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Bateaux and 'Battoe Men': Senior Historian New York State Museum
Most important in the colonial period was the north-south corridor formed by the Hudson and Champlain valleys. Extending from tidewater on the Atlantic, it intersected the mountain barrier and continued into the heart of French Canada, to tidewater on the Saint Lawrence. Although the mountains sometimes pressed up to the water's edge, nowhere along their length did the lakes and rivers themselves reach an elevation of more than two hundred feet above sea level. The few barriers to travel, shallows and portage places, "were minor in view of the immense strategic importance of this vital waterway."(2) From the Richelieu River, the narrow waters of Lake Champlain ran southward between the mountains for a hundred miles without obstruction. Just west of Lake Champlain and its tributary, Lake George, the Hudson River passes within sixteen miles of the Champlain/Saint Lawrence watershed, then flows southward, "stretching almost like a tightened string," through the Catskills until reaching the Atlantic Ocean at New York City.(3) The second strategic corridor ran east to west from the Hudson River to the Great Lakes, extending from the confluence of the Mohawk and Hudson Rivers westward to Wood Creek and thence via Lake Oneida and the Oswego River to Lake Ontario. Beyond lay the Niagara River, Lake Erie, the Ohio Valley, and the vast continental interior.(4) Because these strategic river corridors were located within its boundaries, the Province of New York became a principal theater of colonial warfare. The Iroquois Indians knew it as the "Warpath of Nations," while Chancellor James Kent referred to New York as the "Flanders of America," doomed by its geography to be a continuous cockpit of conflict. Indeed, from 1689 to 1815, New York was the central stage upon which were fought four colonial wars (King William's War 1689-1698, Queen Anne's War 1702-1713, King George's War 1744-1748, and the French and Indian War 1754-1763), the American Revolutionary War (1775-1783), and a second war (1812-1815) against the former colonial power.(5) The European colonial powers, France and Great Britain, and subsequently the revolutionary Americans and the fledgling United States, sought to control the strategic river corridors by constructing forts at portages, narrows, and other "choke points." Examples include: Forts Crown Point and Carillon (Ticonderoga) on Lake Champlain, Forts George and William Henry on Lake George and Fort Edward on the Hudson River at the "Great Carrying Place," Fort Stanwix at the "Oneida Carry," Fort Ontario on the Oswego River, and Fort Niagara on Lake Ontario.(6) None of these were places of great strength by European standards. Most of the rather primitive fortifications could be reduced with relative ease provided the attacking force could reach the fortified place with the requisite troops, artillery, and supplies.(7) Thus the critical factor in all the colonial campaigns was logistics. The solution, in an environment of mountains, primeval forests, and the virtual absence of road-net, lay on the river corridors themselves and on the indigenous colonial water-craft called the batteau. The batteau was a flat-bottom, double-ended, shallow-draft, all-purpose cargo boat.(8) First appearing in the records as early as King William's War, by the eighteenth century Bateaux were the most common and most important cargo carrier found on the inland waters of colonial North America. The names, from the French batteau, "boat," and Bateaux, "boats," were commonly rendered in English as "battoe" and "battoes." Thousands of Bateaux were constructed by British, French, and American forces and used in the river corridors of New York in all the colonial wars, the American Revolutionary War, and the War of 1812. Bateaux were built at various costs to various specifications. In 1755, Major General William Johnson paid ,9 pounds each for the construction of large Bateaux, ,6 pounds ,10 for medium sized Bateaux and ,5 pounds each for small Bateaux.(9) The smaller Bateaux, sometimes called "Albany Bateaux" or "Albany boats" were "abt. 24 ft. long" with a beam measuring only three feet. The larger Bateaux, sometimes called "Schenectady Bateaux" or "Schenectady boats," because they were constructed at that village for use on the Mohawk River and ultimately the Great Lakes, may have been as large as forty-five feet in length, the upper limit for colonial Bateaux identified by small craft historian Howard Chapelle.(10) Bateaux in the thirty foot range appear to have been the more common. The only extant plan of a batteau, drawn for the British Admiralty in 1776, shows a boat 30'4" in length, with a 6'6" beam and a depth of 2'10".(11)Oars were the primary means of propulsion for the batteau, although, in open water, sails or improvised sails were sometimes used, and, in shallow waters, they were often poled. In 1755, Gerret Lansing, of Albany, supplied "oars ...Large Padles...short Padles and Poles with Iron [tips]" for Bateaux to be used in the campaign against Crown Point. (12) In 1758, orders for the expedition against Ticonderoga required "Commanding officers & Regiments to employ their carpenters in making oars, paddles, & scoops," for bailing the Bateaux, since "Each boat will be allow'd from Colonel Bradstreet, only five oars."(13) The New England surgeon, Dr. Caleb Rea, confirms that there were five oars in his batteau, four apparently for rowing and one to serve as a rudder.(14) This apparently typical use of oars as rudders is seen in the painting of Major General Jeffrey Amherst's army passing the rapids of the Saint Lawrence in 1760. The artist, Lieutenant Thomas Davies, an officer with the army, shows several Bateaux using an oar for a rudder. Most of the Bateaux [probably large 'Schenectady Boats'] have six oars for rowing.(15) During the Burgoyne campaign of 1777, British Bateaux were also "propelled by six oars, [while] a seventh served as a rudder."(16) In open water, Bateaux were sometimes sailed, although they were rarely able
to do more than run before the wind. When the point of sail was downwind, this
technique could reduce the men's labor on the oars considerably. "Lakes
Champlain and George [and the Hudson River] were especially suited to the sailing
of Bateaux as winds are predominately north or south which were the main directions
of travel."(17) Dr. Rea recorded that
during the retreat from Fort Carillon in 1758, "we made Sails of Blankets
and Tents."(18) The following year on
Lake Champlain, General Amherst ordered training in the technique. On 1 October
1759 each of the regular regiments was directed to send a "Serjeant or aproper
person" to the place "where the boats ly, to see a Boat Rigged there
with two Blanketts for Sails, and each Regiment to Rigge 2 Bateaux in the same
Manner." A week later, orders stated that the Bateaux were "to have
their Sails fixed accordingly to the Pateron Collo. Haviland approved of."
From these examples it appears that such "field expedient" sails were
in common use during the French and Indian War.(19) Numerous contemporary references give evidence of the load-carrying capacity of colonial Bateaux. In 1755, a twenty-four foot batteau was reported to "carry 8 barrells and 5 men." If each barrel was of standard size, four and two tenths cubic feet, this would yield a total of thirty-two and eight tenths cubic feet, a substantial payload.(20) Bougainville recorded in his journal that Bateaux arriving at Fort Carillon in 1756 each carried three tons. These, of course, were French or "Montreal" Bateaux, built for use on the Saint Lawrence River and the Great Lakes.(21) John Lees, an English merchant living in Quebec, wrote, in 1768, that "The Schenectady Batteaus...hold at most 14 Rum Barls" and that there was "another kind of Batteau...which they call a French one and Carries about double the quanity of the others."(22) The substantial cargo capacity of large Bateaux built for Johnson's 1755 campaign is indicated in the specifications drawn up for transport of the artillery train. Six 18 pounders were to be transported in "6 Large Strong Battoes." Each of the 18 pounders weighed approximately 4,700 pounds. Thus, it is apparent that the large British Bateaux were capable of carrying well over two tons.(23) Smaller Bateaux were used to transport provisions and troops during campaigns. During Abercromby's expedition of 1758, Bateaux were ordered to be loaded with "eight barrels of flour or six of pork" in addition to crew and troops.(24) In 1759, Josiah Goodrich recorded in his journal that "Each battoo Will Carry 12 barriels of flower or 9 of poark When ordered to Load And it is supposed they will have About 20 men or a few more or less."(25) Sergeant David Holden of the Massachusetts Bay Provincial Regiment, in 1760, noted "We took Battoes with 7 men to a boat...Loaded our boats with 30 Barrils of flower. Or 25 of Pork Pees or Rice," for a voyage up the Hudson River to Fort Edward. During the advance on Ile-aux-Noix, he recorded that each batteau was to carry "5 Barrils of flower & 3 of Pork...as well as [the] number of troops...assigned to the boat."(26) Continued on Page 2 of "Bateaux and 'Battoe Men' Bibliography 1.. Col. Edward P. Hamilton, The French and Indian Wars ("Mainstream of America; New York, NY: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1962), p. 10.2.. Ibid. 3.. Ibid., p. 11. 4.. Ibid. 5.. Howard H. Peckham, The Colonial Wars, 1689-1762 (Chicago History of American Civilization; Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1964). Don Higginbotham, The War of American Independence: Military Attitudes, Policies, and Practice, 1763-1789 (Macmillan Wars of the United States; New York, NY: The Macmillan Company, 1971), and the forthcoming R.A. Preston and S.F. Wise, The War of 1812 (Macmillan Wars of the United States; New York, NY: The Macmillan Company, 199-). 6.. On Fort Ticonderoga, Stephen H.P. Pell, Fort Ticonderoga: A Short History Compiled from Contemporary Sources (Ticonderoga, NY: Fort Ticonderoga Museum, 1985). On Fort William Henry, Stanley M. Gifford, Fort Wm. Henry: A History (Lake George, NY: Fort William Henry Association, 1955). On Fort Stanwix, John F. Luzader, Louis Torres, and Orville W. Carroll, Fort Stanwix: Construction and Military History, Historic Furnishing Study, Historic Structure Report (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1976). On Fort Niagara, Brian Leigh Dunnigan, History and Development of Old Fort Niagara (Youngstown, NY: Old Fort Niagara Association, 1985). 7.. See, for example, Brian Leigh Dunnigan, Siege - 1759: The Campaign Against Niagara (Youngstown, NY: Old Fort Niagara Association, 1986). 8.. It was virtually flat-bottomed. Actually a slight camber, three inches over a length of thirty-four feet in the case of the Lake George Bateaux, facilitated dragging the vessel over shallows. See Footnote 28. 9.. "Sundry Acco. of Battows delivered in an Acct of Major General Johnson," dated 6 Aug. 1755. James A. Sullivan, Richard E. Day, Alexander C. Flick, et al. (eds.), Sir William Johnson Papers (14 vols.; Albany, NY: University of the State of New York, 1921-1965), Vol. I, pp. 839-840. 10.. Howard Chapelle, American Small Sailing Craft: Their Design, Development and Construction (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Co., 1951), p. 34. 11.. William J. Morgan, ed., Naval Documents of the American Revolution (9 vols.; Washington, DC: U.S. Gov. Printing Office, 1964-1986), Vol. VI, p. 319. 12.. Johnson Papers, Vol. I, Accounts for Bateaux, pp. 839-840. 13.. Capt. Alexander Moneypenny, "Orderly Book," 30 June 1758, Bulletin, Fort Ticonderoga Museum, Vol. XII, No. 6 (Oct. 1970), 434. 14.. Caleb Rea, The Journal of Dr. Caleb Rea (1758), Edited by Fabius Maximus Rea (Salem, MA: Essex Institute, 1881), 28. 15.. Dennis M. Lewis, "Batteaux on the Champlain Waterway, 1755-1783," (Unpublished Research Report: New York State Museum, Div. of Research and Collections, 1983), 3-4. On the Davies painting, R.H. Hubbard, Thomas Davies c. 1737-1812: An Exhibition Organized by The National Gallery of Canada (Ottawa: The National Gallery of Canada, 1972), No. 13, The Rapids of the St. Lawrence, 1760, pp. 85-86, and Stephen Sears' commentary in American Heritage, Vol. XXIX, No. 4 (June/July 1978), 100. 16.. Lewis, "Batteaux," 4. 17.. Ibid. 18.. Rea, Journal, p. 28. 19.. Lewis, "Batteaux," 5. 20.. Lewis, "Batteaux," 6-7. 21.. Louis Antoine de Bougainville, Adventure in the Wilderness: The American Journal of Louis Antoine de Bougainville. Translated and edited by Edward P. Hamilton (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1964), p. 61. 22.. John Lees, Journal of J.L. of Quebec, Merchant (Detroit, MI: Society of Colonial Wars of the State of Michigan, 1911), pp. 43-44. 23.. Johnson Papers, Vol. I, Estimate of Ordnance and Stores, dated New York, April 30th 1755, pp. 479-482. 24.. Moneypenny, "Orderly Book," 1 July 1758, Bulletin, Fort Ticonderoga Museum, Vol. XII, No. 6 (Oct. 1970), 436. 25.. Josiah Goodrich, "Journal," Bulletin, Fort Ticonderoga Museum, Vol. XIV, No. 1 (Summer 1981), 46.
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