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Civil War Newspapers
Kings County, New York
General War News

The East Baltic street Affray—Death of the injured man Beatty.—George Beatty, who was shot at 83 East Baltic street, on Saturday morning, by Mrs. Eliza Casey, died at one o'clock this morning, at the L. I. College Hospital, from the effects of his injuries. Coroner Morris directed a post mortem examination to be made of the body, and the inquest will be held this afternoon.

SCHOOL EXHIBITION—There were some very interesting exercises gone through with in the primary department of School No. 27, in Nelson, near Hicks street, yesterday afternoon, which reflected great credit on the Principal and her assistants in the department. There was quite a gathering of the parents of the little ones in the primary school, and all were satisfied at the results of the excellent training that had been given their children. The proceedings were of a very gratifying character to all concerned.

The Fourth of July in Brooklyn.
The committee appointed by the Common Council have completed the arrangements for the celebration of the Fourth of July in Brooklyn. In the Eastern District a salute will be fired by Captain Taft's Duncan Light Artillery, on the high ground north of North Third street, at sunrise and at noon. At 4 o'clock P. M. the Declaration of Independence will be read in Dr. Porter's Church, and an address delivered by the Hon. George H. Fisher. A small admission fee will be charged, the proceeds to be for the benefit of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Twenty-eighth regiments of Brooklyn. In the
Western district salutes will be fired at Fort Green, by the Seventieth Artillery regiment, under the direction of Colonel Graham. An oration will be delivered at 12 o'clock noon, from the steps of the City Hall, by Alderman Demas Strong.
In the evening displays of fireworks will be made in the Eastern District, in the open lots bounded by Ewen, Devoe and Ainslie streets, and in the Western district at the City Hall. The sum appropriated for the celebration is $1,000.

Brooklyn City News.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 21, 1863.
Recoverment of Government Property at East New York.
Yesterday afternoon a detachment of officers was sent by Provost Marshal Nugent to East New York, to search a tavern out there for government property, supposed to be concealed there. The officers succeeded beyond their expectations, they found arms, clothing and equipments to the value of a thousand dollars on the premises, which they seized. These supplies had belonged to the various military organizations which have been encamped at East New York during the past two years, and had been traded away by the soldiers in exchange for liquor. The proprietor of the tavern has not yet been arrested, and what further proceedings will be taken has not been ascertained.

The Brooklyn Daily Times.
The latest information by Telegraph, together with local incidents, will be found on the fourth page, Third Edition, issued at 4 1-2 o'clock P. M.

PRESENTATION TO CAPTAIN MADDOX.—Last evening the officers and clerks connected with the office of the provost Marshal in the Second Congressional District, having arranged to obtain the presence of Captain Maddox, the Provost Marshal, at the house of Mr. John Davidson, in Second near South Tenth street, there they met him in a body. The Captain was called into the parlor, where, to his astonishment, his whole official force met his gaze. Upon saluting the company and inquiring what was the matter,
Mr. S. Harvey Mellis arose and said that he had been delegated by his fellow officers and clerks to speak to him (Capt. M.) about some little matters which had occupied their attention for some time past, and as they thought things had just gone far enough, they were determined to break the secret, and tell him, (whether he was pleased or displeased) about it, that he needed watching; hence they had made an appointment for that purpose. He then unbosomed a handsome gold hunting case watch, chain and seal, which he desired Captain Maddox to accept as a small token of the esteem which they entertained for him, and the respect they had learned to owe him while discharging their duties in their respective positions in his office. He handed the watch and accompaniments to the Captain.
It contains the following inscription:

Presented to
Captain Samuel T. Maddox,
by the Officers and Clerks connected
with the provost Marshal's office,
in the Second Congressional District,
Brooklyn, E. D.
August 17, 1863.

Captain Maddox having had no opportunity of preparing for the surprise, expressed his thanks in a very brief manner, but was as hearty as if he had made a long speech.
The party then enjoyed themselves with music, conversation and sundry other good things which were calculated to prolong good cheer and friendly feeling, until the admonishing hour of midnight, when they sought their homes.
The seal appended to the watch chain is a very handsome statue of a fireman on a pedestal. The fireman holds in his hand the trumpet, and bears on the head the usual cap, with "some" front; the pedestal is the seal in Cornelian stone, on which arte the Captain's initials, in old English characters, (S. T. M.)

The Brooklyn Daily Times.
The Democratic party in Brooklyn and Kings County, have the infelicity of having its bosom a class of men who, in addition to being disturbers in general, are just at present organizing themselves into a "peace party." In other words, they are opposed to the war, and are sympathizers with Fernando Wood; They accept the local copperhead organ that will never get over the effront [sic] of being rather urgently requested to display the American flag, and they think the war to preserve the government is a useless expenditure of men and money. It is unnecessary to particularize further this class of voters, with leaders who would be more at home, barring the short supply of whiskey, in the dominions of Jeff. Davis than the Empire State. They are now agitating for the control of the Conventions and the nominations for the various offices to be filled this fall. They have a General Committee, and more or less a local organization throughout the City and County. It is not our business to be deeply concerned with the domestic affairs of the democrats; but we have a right to protest against every disloyal purpose. In this spirit we re-produce from the Brooklyn News, whose course we have lately had occasion to commend, and to bear evidence in favor of the correctness of the opinion expressed, that on any other than an unequivocally loyal platform, and with any other than unconditional union men for candidates, the democratic majority of ten thousand in King's County, "would disappear like the exhalations of a morning." We quote from the News of yesterday:
The assemblage of the State Convention will, it is probable, afford the means of judging of the strength of these "peace men." Should they be sufficiently strong to enable them to control the action of the Convention,—to nominate its candidates, and above all, to lay down a platform of principles embodying their peculiar views—the result, we believe, requires no prophet to foretell. It must dishearten and render lukewarm, the mass of those who adhere to the patriotic platform, laid down by Gov. Seymour in his Brooklyn speech, and other speeches last fall, if it does not drive them from the support of a ticket nominated under such circumstances. Under such a state of feeling the democratic majority of last fall of a little over 10,000, would disappear like the exhalations of a morning.

A Correction.
To the Editor of The N. Y. Tribune.
Sir: In your remarks recently in reference to the charges preferred against the Sheriff of Kings County you say that Judge Garrison and myself made the charges. This is an error. Judge Garrison had nothing to do with the charges, and knew nothing of them. I drew them, and presented them to Gov.  Seymour while he was in the city. Judge Garrison granted the attachment against Col. Burke after long and careful deliberation, and there his duties ended.
By inserting this you will oblige

The Republican General Committee.
The Republican General Committee met last evening at their rooms, No. 9 Court street, the President, Mr. William Hunt in the Chair.
During the calling of the roll by the Secretary, Mr. Gale objected to the calling of the names of the delegates from the 5th Ward, and made a motion that the Secretary omit the names of said delegates. The motion, however, was lost.
The minutes of the previous meeting were read and approved.
Mr. Oliver Beard said that as Mr. Gale seemed to be somewhat interested in the matter of the trouble in the 5th Ward, and as he was not present at the last meeting, when the report of the Committee on Organization was adopted in relation to the matter, he would move that the vote be reconsidered.
Mr. Reeve voted for the adoption of the report, but if Mr. Gale had any light to throw upon the matter as to why that report should not be adopted, he would vote for a reconsideration: but if there was nothing new in it be would vote to reaffirm the report.
Mr. Hubble moved to lay the matter on the table.
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, when Mr. Beard moved that the calling of the names of the delegates of the 5th be omitted. Mr. Beard was declared out of order.
The motion of Mr. Hubbel prevailed.
On Motion of Mr. Joseph Reeve, the Committee went into executive session, and invited all not members of the Committee to leave.

A large meeting of this society was held the other evening, at No. 93 Boerum street, between Dean and Pacific streets, Mr. Spence, the President, in the chair, and Mr. Philip Runge acting as Secretary. Nothing of public interest transpired, the meeting being of a general routine character. The Society is progressing, and it is said has already accomplished more than was anticipated by the most sanguine of its friends. So it is with all the Brooklyn trade organizations, which are thus far a decided success.

This Society met on Monday evening at No. 369 Fulton street, the President, Mr. Bouffolar in the chair. The meeting was called for the purpose of distributing the constitution and by-laws, but as these documents were not ready, the business was confined to the reception of dues, payment of fines admission of new members, &c.
The association meets at the above place every Monday evening, and is said to number some three hundred members.

This organization also hold their meetings on Monday evening, and meet at Turner Hall, corner of Smith and Atlantic streets. The business of the last meeting was for the purpose of electing a full set of officers, to server for one year, but a quorum not being present on last Monday evening, it was resolved to postpone the election for one' week. The President is Mr. N. Noerling, and the Secretary Mr. H. Wollrab.

Meeting of the Democratic General Committee—Important Resolutions.
Pursuant to adjournment, a meeting of the National Democratic General Committee was held last night at the Capital in Joralemon street.
The President Sam. D. Morris in the chair. The minutes of the last meetings were read and approved.
A communication was received from the German Democratic Club of this city, asking to have a voice in the organization and management of the affairs of the Committee. The communication was referred to a Special Committee.
Mr. Linskey offered the following resolutions which were adopted with great unanimity, and the Secretary was instructed to send a certified copy of the same, to the different Democratic organizations in this city and New York, and also to Gov. Seymour.
Resolved, That we hail with just pride the firm and dignified remonstrance of his Excellency Governor, Seymour, against the unprincipled and unjust operation of an unconstitutional and odious law, as exemplified in his late correspondence with the President of the United States, upon the enforcement of the conscription law in this State.
Resolved, That the language of the Chief Magistrate of the Nation in his reply to Governor Seymour, is as humiliating to the Nation as it is alarming,,—humiliating for its admission, that the most popular and best form of government in the world, can no longer (the first time since its establishment) rely upon the voluntary and unrestrained support of its citizens in what he is pleased to call its death struggle. Alarming, because of its avowed determination (although admitting its apparent unfairness and injustice) to disregard the constitution and sovereign rights of the people and state, and usurping in the person of the Executive, the powers and functions of the other co-ordinate branche of government, viz: Legislative and Judicial, so jealously guarded against by the States respectively in the federal compact.
Resolved, That in behalf of the democratic and conservative citizens of Kings County, we earnestly implore his Excellency Governor Seymour, while yielding and aiding the President in every legitimate and constitutional manner to restore the Constitution and the Union, not to suffer any innovation or usurpation of the constitutional rights of the sovereign people of this State upon any pretext, or come from what quarter they may, believing such innovations or usurpation will only tend to the certain destruction of our republican form of government, in support of which, we hereby pledge our hearty co-operation.
Upon the adoption of the resolutions, Mr. Morris addressed the committee appropriate to the occasion. He referred very eloquently to the state of national affairs, and animadverted severely upon the course that had been pursued by those in authority. He referred to the departure of the Administration from the course which had been promised by the President in his Inaugural Address, and to this departure he attributed much of the trouble that had come upon the country. The remarks of Mr. Morris were received with every mark of approbation.
It was moved that a committee or seven be appointed to confer with a similar committee from the Union General Committee, in relation to sending delegates to the Democratic State Convention, to meet at Albany in September. Also to agree upon a plan for uniting the Democratic party in Kings County. The motion was adopted. After which the Committee adjourned.

The Freedom of the Ballot Box.
Under this head we publish a number of articles in another column, and we respectfully invite attention to the statements contained in them. We believe to-day peace at the North is guaranteed to us only by the belief that we have still left to us a peaceful remedy for the mistakes which prolong this war, and leave to the chances of war the very existence of the nation. The people are waiting patiently for the opportunity of removing lawfully from power the men whose policy they cannot endorse. Deny them the opportunity of doing so, and no man can answer for the result. In no country is there a greater respect for law among the people than in ours. While a legal remedy for the redress of grievances is left to them, there is no danger of any other being resorted to. In the result of the election in Kentucky few men outside of the State took any especial interest. Both the candidates for Governor are Democrats, both of them declared themselves to be for the old Union, and neither of them endorsed the policy of the administration. The only difference between the parties in the recent struggle was that one of them believed its representatives were justified in using the power given as a check upon the Executive to compel the abandonment of a policy which both parties agreed in believing stood in the way of a reunion of the States, and was therefore antagonistic to the best interest of the country. The constitution provides that for the army no appropriation shall be made for a longer period than two years. The object of this provision is to leave it within the power of the representatives of the people to control the policy of the government. Mr. Wickliffe, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Kentucky, believed he was justified in using this power to enforce a change in the policy of the administration. His opponent, Mr. Bramlette, thought otherwise. The one would withhold "the supplies" until the policy he believed advantageous to his country was adopted; the other, while condemning the policy pursued, did not favor the exercise of the power given by the constitution to change it. Little as the difference was between the opposing candidates, the administration believed it sufficient to justify it in taking extreme measures to defeat the candidates of the party which believed in providing a remedy for a course which both sides agreed in condemning. Does anybody believe that if Congress exercised the power which it has over the public purse to bring the Executive in harmony with the views of a great majority of the people that the war would not be nearer a close than it is to-day? Two years ago the Congress of the United States almost unanimously voted for a resolution which declared that this war was waged for the restoration of the Union, and for no other purpose. While the policy of the administration was directed with a view to this end, the nation was a unit in sustaining it. Other issues have been introduced since, and the consequences are that no man can see the end of the war. Military success apparently brings us no nearer to it. We have it on the authority of a gentleman who has spent the last year in North Carolina that the people of that State are ready to return to their allegiance, if there was any way left open to them to do so besides that which involves the loss of every acre, of every dollar they possess in the world. The loss of this single State to the rebels would end the war. The recall of the troops from North Carolina would leave Lee's army at our mercy, and would end the war in Virginia, the only State in which the rebellion is to-day formidable. Lee is at this hour threatening the Army of the Potomac; should a conflict ensue no man will contend that the result is by any means certain. It is within the chances of war that Lee can achieve a great victory, and that victory would change the aspect of the war and might place the very Capitol of the nation in the hands of the foe. Is it right to hazard the National life in this way? The return of North Carolina to the Union will end the war; the policy of the administration stands in the way of it. Is not Mr. Wickcliffe, or any other representative of the people, justified in using every means which the
Constitution places at his disposal to enforce a change in a policy on the part of the Executive so dangerous to the nation? What was the purpose of giving to Congress the power to check the Executive if that power was not in great emergencies to be exercised? The pretext that a representative in Congress is disloyal to his country because he sees fit to exercise a power without which Congress would be powerless, and would have no more control over the affairs of the country than a political debating society, is so preposterous that it is idle to refute it; and this is the single charge brought against the Democratic party of Kentucky, and this is the only justification for interference with the rights of the people, which has alarmed the nation. The object of taking the sense of the people is to give them an opportunity of changing, when they see fit, the policy of the men in power. To lay down as the condition upon which the right of suffrage is to be exercised agreement with the policy of the men in power, is to make of a popular election an unmeaning farce.
The policy pursued by the administration in Kentucky has produced its legitimate effects in Ohio. Instead of the rival parties going peacefully to the ballot box, and expressing through it their purpose, the bludgeon has taken the place of the ballot, and men are convinced by the system of argumentation of which the "Dead Rabbits" of large cities are the great expounders. In the apprehension that the remedy till now found peacefully in the ballot box, will be denied the people in Ohio, the differences which will always exist among the people find expression in the manner following:
"Yesterday, August 8, hearing that a few more of the Third Ohio boys were here, about forty of the Harmony boys came here to "clean out the town" as they said; but such fighting I never saw. It lasted nearly twenty-four hours. One of our boys was hurt quite badly, but we drove them out of the town at last, without a coat or hat, and some even without a shirt, and that was not half what they deserved. One noted Butternut started to run after doing what damage he could, but was headed off by Charles Benedict, of the Third Ohio Infantry, who gave him a sound thrashing and sent him on the road to harmony, where it is thought he will remain for a season. They left fourteen wounded here and were glad to get off even so."
This is the legitimate result of interference with that safe medium through which the will of the people has heretofore made itself known. That this state of things cannot, and ought not to continue, it needs no argument to prove. The people of Ohio may be able to re-establish their rights, if not they will most assuredly seek security from this lawlessness in the protection which a despot can offer them. If the citizens of Ohio are exposed to outrages at the hands of soldiers paid for quite another purpose, they will prefer a standing army which a strong military arm will be able to keep under control. If the citizen, on his way to the ballot box, is to run the gauntlet after this fashion, the sooner we abandon our system of government and retain our coats, our hats, our shirts and at least a portion of our self-respect, the better.
An article from the Tribune appropriately concludes the series upon which these comments are made. We agree with the Tribune, that if the system carried out in Kentucky and threatened in Ohio is to be adhered to, the preparation for the next Presidential election is little else than a "dreary impertinence," "a stupid anachronism." It is possible that we may go through the form of another Presidential election, but it will be merely a form if the condition of exercising the right of suffrage is unconditional support of the policy of those in power. There never was a people called upon to exercise a higher degree of public virtue than the people of the Northern States of this Union. The integrity of their country is menaced by rebels, their liberties are invaded by those who have sworn to defend them. Of all misfortunes, loss of liberty is the sorest. Let what will happen, the people must uphold their institutions in letter and in spirit. Freedom of election is the corner-stone our system—nay, it is our system. At every cost, at every risk, it must be preserved. When we are denied it the true American must seek liberty wherever he can find it; he will look for it in vain in the land of his fathers. The issue is fairly presented to the people. Upon their virtue and courage all depends. Union is desirable; liberty is indispensable—for it is it alone
_____ Which gives
The flower of life its lustre and perfume,
And we are weeds without it.

The Working Tailors.
The working tailors held a meeting on Wednesday evening at their rooms, No. 281 Grand street. There was a full attendance of delegates, and after making further arrangements for the forthcoming fair, the question of aiding the cabinet makers now on strike was brought up. The Secretary, R. Crowe, made a statement sustaining the action of that body. He said, "the cabinet makers had made an appeal to the general trades for help. Shall it be said that we who have had to contend against the combination of capital, in its attempt to control our own rights, refuse to respond? The boss cabinet makers had conspired by a combination involving the worst features of European despotism—they conspired against the men by a species of espionage—by converting each employer into a detective; and lest the infamy of their proceedings should excite a sense of justice in the breast of those who were not wholly lost to honor, they used the power of capital to compel all employers to subscribe to their arbitrary conditions, by threatening expulsion from their body, and the infliction of a heavy fine. Admit this act, and you make the combination for mutual aid a terrible compulsion. For what purpose is this combination against the workmen? First, to prevent the workman from obtaining employment without a written character or recommendation from his last employer; and, second; the assumption or authority over the Courts of Justice; for they propose to inflict a penalty of six months compulsory starvation on the workman, his wife and family, without further offense than that prescribed by their lordly wills. He called on the Association to respond to the call, and show by their generosity, that this act done to the Cabinetmakers is an injury done to all the laboring classes, and must be repelled.
The meeting unanimously voted $200 from their funds, with instruction to be handed over immediately.

Painters of Brooklyn.
A regular meeting of this Society was held on Wednesday evening last, at their rooms, No. 369 Fulton street, William Barker, Esq., the President, in the chair, and Mr. David Pringle acting as Secretary, being the regular one of the Association. The Painters of Brooklyn have at last taken the bull by the horns and sent a committee to the different shops for the purpose of ascertaining the actual wages paid by each employer and advertising the result, of which investigation was that only three in the whole city were paying less than the regular wages $2 per day. This is said to be the only fair method of dealing with the employers, who wish to charge high prices and pay low wages, as their customers can then see what they really are paying. After the minutes of the last meeting were read and approved, a short report from the Committee of the "Workingmen's Union" was read, in which they stated that all trades adopting the Constitution would be taxed two dollars each. The report was adopted.
Some discussion then arose upon the question of fining members who come late to the meeting, or not at all.
The fines hereafter will be strictly enforced. Mr. Janes, who is reported as being one of the three who are paying low wages, was next attended to. Several members stated that he is now paying the regular rates only to grainers however, which is another branch of the business.
Mr. Bold wished to know if colored men would he admitted to the society, as he had been told that they are already working at the business. This brought down such an emphatic "No," that the subject was immediately dropped. It was stated then that the reports were so contradictory that the better way would be to refer the matter to the next meeting, and a motion was made to that effect, which was discussed at great length on both sides. The motion was at length carried, the men employed in those ships to be notified in the meantime.
Mr. Stanly, the Vice President, then asked permission to read a series of amendments to the By-laws, but the Constitution requires that "all laws or amendments to laws" must first be submitted in writing to a committee for their approval with the consent of the society. Permission was granted, and the amendments were read. They relate principally to members who may be inclined to work under rates established by the society. Referred to the following committee:
Mr. Irving, Mr. Van Nostrand and Mr. Doyle. The, advertisement of the bosses' names is to be continued to the next meeting. The meeting was quite spirited and shows that the Painters take great interest in their society, which is in a very prosperous condition. The officers are all men of experience and are indefatigable in their exertions in behalf of their organization. The meeting adjourned to Wednesday next.

Cabinetmakers' Union.
A special meeting of this body was held last night at Harmony Garden, in Essex street, F. Muhlmeister in the Chair, J. Simon, Secretary, and a very numerous attendance, including many members of other trade societies present.
Immediately after the opening of the proceedings, the Chairman stated that the appeal of the Union to the other trades had met with the desired success, as nearly every trade in this large metropolis had promised moral support, while many had profferred pecuniary aid. The explanation of the bosses, through the columns of the press, had been condemned by every feeling person, who had read it, as an evasive document, which did not meet the points at issue. This speech was received with tremendous applause by all present.
A delegation from the Journeymen Tailors' Protective Union, headed by Messrs. G. Buss, President, and Robt. Crowe, Secretary, entered the hall, and, proceeding to the officers' seat, announced, through the Chairman, that, in pursuance of a resolution of their Society, they were the bearers of $200 as a contribution toward sustaining the cabinet makers during the strike, which, in their estimation, was of equal importance to all trades. The tailors were the first who had succeeded in overthrowing the power of capital by standing together, and there was no doubt but that the cabinetmakers, by being a unit, would also succeed.
The liberality of the Tailors was acknowledged by Messrs. Muhlmeister, Simon, Klein and others in very warm addresses, at the close of which the Committee withdrew amidst loud cheers.
A large amount of routine business was then transacted, and a determination expressed not to resume work until all reasonable demands be compiled with.

THE GERMAN DEMOCRATS.--The German Democratic Central Club of Brooklyn has applied to the two General Committees representing the Democratic party of this county, claiming a recognition upon the basis of nationality. In both Comittees [sic] the application has met with no reply.
The German Club occupies a position which entitles it to the consideration of an answer to its demands, and to prevent any further division in the ranks of the party, or unnecessary bickerings, it is as well that an understanding was arrived at, and the sooner the better. In the first place, as regards the Committees, those bodies have no power to concede what the German Club demands. The members of the Committees are elected by the Democratic voters to manage the business affairs of the party; they are governed by certain rules and regulations, none of which confer any power on them to apportion offices; their authority is limited to calling for the election of delegates to nominating conventions, with whom rest all responsibility of making nominations. But there is a graver question than this involved. If the Germans band themselves together into a political organization they make an issue of the question of nationality, and justify the existence of a proscriptive party like the Know Nothings. The German adopted citizens have their rights as well as other citizens, native or adopted, neither more nor less; our laws recognize no distinctions. If the German citizens constitute a large proportion of the Democratic votes of this county, they have the same opportunities for making their influence felt, and for obtaining a fair representation in the councils of the party, namely, at the polls, at the popular and primary elections. There is no other legitimate way of obtaining a recognition of their claims. The narrow platform of distinct nationality will always be dangerous ground, and our German fellow-citizens had better abandon it for the broad basis of American citizenship, which places them on terms of equality with all men. The organization of German clubs may be necessary to propagate the principles of the party among those who are not sufficiently familiar with the English language, but their nationality should not pass this limit. We are afraid some gentlemen with a longing for office have placed the German Club in a false position to further their own private ends. The Club claims to represent five thousand voters; we doubt if five hundred of these voters would sustain its action if the question was fairly put to them. There is too much good sense among our German citizens to lead them to give countenance to another Know-Nothing movement, which would be the final and legitimate result of the issue raised by the German Central Club.
The News thinks that in denouncing one party as "fanatics" and the other as "rowdies," Alderman Strong "was much nearer the truth than is his average," and on that fact the News "congratulates" the Alderman.—[Times, E. D.
Certainly, we do. The Alderman is a leading member of the Republican party, and knows all about it, and we are bound to accept his description of it as truthful. We gave him due credit, therefore, for telling half the truth, which is nearer the whole truth, than is the average of these rabid partizans [sic]. We shall be happy to congratulate the Times when it shall give us as good cause.

HAZARDOUS.—The Satanic Press nominates Fernando WOOD as Speaker of the next Congress, alleging that "in taking his seat in Congress and oath of office he is no longer that electioneering politician, but is called upon to look at matters in a far different light." The nominee has looked at matters in so many lights, that unless he assures us of the magnitude and power of the photometer he intends to use, there may be as much hazard in his decisions as there is in a "quarter ticket."

JUDGE WATERBUBY'S REPORT.—The papers are publishing in full the report of Judge NELSON J. WATERBURY, setting forth the unjust inequalities of the proposed draft, or rather the apportionment of it, and which were so forcibly explained by Governor SEYMOUR in his letter to the President. The leading points in the Judge's report were anticipated by the figures used by the Governor, and published in the CITY NEWS two or three days ago.

DISEMBOWEL THE CONFEDERACY is recommended by a cotemporary as the proper manner to close the war. An Adjutant-General suggests that it would be rather nauseating work in the vicinity of some of the great battle fields.
Mr. Bradford, of New York, succeeds Mr. D. H. Craig, as agent of the Associated Press. The New York "Evening Post" says that Mr. Bradford is well known not only for his experience, but for his uniform courtesy and his desire to do equal and exact justice to all persons concerned in the receipt of authentic intelligence.

Letters from the People.
To Workingmen of Brooklyn.
MR. EDITOR—In view of the consolidation of the different branches of mechanism into one great Union, I have thought it advisable to address the mechanics of Brooklyn through your esteemed and widely circulated paper a few words of advice. I take the more pleasure in doing so as your columns have always advocated the working-men's interest, and in political matters universally conservative—open to the advocacy of right irrespective of partisanship [sic]. The "NEWS" I believe to be the only Brooklyn daily untainted by the extremes of political chicanery or intrigue, however much others may boast of impartiality or unprejudiced partisanship when either the "white or black have just claims upon the public consideration." I speak from what I know through positive experience, having tested the matter to my satisfaction. Myself a mechanic and knowing the thousand and one impositions practiced constantly in a political point of view on the class of men that can only be justly regarded as the producers of wealth, I claim to feel and write as any mechanic ought who has the best interests of the workingmen at heart. Fellow workingmen, the associations representing each respective branch of industry, and consolidated as a Union that you have formed will prosper only independent of political tricksters. Be careful that the representatives you send from your association to the union are men free from party prejudice, and that your bye-laws prohibit any others representing you in that body. Allow no politics to find open voice in your counsels, and should any tempt to bribe your influence who is known as a party leader, or politician by donating money under the pretence of aiding you, frown it down, and unmistakingly let such a one know by immediately returning the pretended present, that workingmen's confidence, and conscience is not in the market as merchandize. Select for yourselves some suitable organ through which you may communicate with each other in all the outside business relative to your individual and union associations. Let that selection be made free from partisanship [sic]—some public print of
Brooklyn that hitherto has been and is likely to continue conservative. Like all organic bodies of men either civil or religious to become well represented—to have your interests advocated and sent broad cast into the hearts and conscience of the community, you ought to have your recognized organ of public communication. Let me recommend to your favorable consideration the Brooklyn CITY NEWS, a public print whose universal character has I believe always bourne the strong imprints of devotedness to the undivided interests of the community as a whole and the workingmen's particularly. MECHANIC.

SECRET LEAGUES.—We exposed one of the Loyal League movements in Brooklyn yesterday, and give another exposure in this city today. Here it is as furnished us by an eye-witness of the machinery, &c., in the 19th Ward. What do the POST and TRIBUNE think of it?
To the Editors of the N. Y Express:
I notice your mention in this Evening's paper of a "Secret Loyal League" in Brooklyn. One also exists in this ward, and holds weekly secret meetings at the Hall corner 52d street and 3d avenue. Persons are received by secret words and signs at an ante-room door—and by other signs at an inner door in the care of a Tiler. Members are seated in a circle around a table, on which is a Bible for taking oaths, and over which is suspended a flag. Candidates are first sworn to secrecy in the outer room. They are then conducted blindfolded to the centre of the circle, and oaths are read to them by the president containing the quintessence of Abolition fanaticism. After taking this oath, they are "restored to light," and see around them a circle of just such oath bound fellows as themselves. Such is "Loyal Leagueism" in the 19th
Ward. G.
19TH WARD, Aug. 14th, 1863.

Launch of the First Navy-Built Iron-Clad.
The iron-clad Miantonomah, the first navy built vessel of her class, was successfully launched at the Brooklyn Navy Yard this morning. The scene was witnessed by three thousand persons. It is believed that no vessel was ever launched from any navy yard in this country so perfectly finished in every way, so strong and sound as the Miantonomah.
The vessel bears the appearance of an ordinary ship cut down to the deck. The logging and armor are to be placed on the outside of the plank as soon as possible. Her extreme length is 259 feet, breadth 52 feet 10 inches, depth of hold 14 feet 9 inches. Her tonnage is eighteen hundred tons. She has two decks and two revolving turrets, one fore and one aft, and two guns in each turret. The calibre of the guns will probably be a 15-inch and a 200-pounder in each turret.
Admiral Paulding's son, Mr. Hiram Paulding, had the honor of christening the vessel. An old "salt," well known by the name of "Commodore," cracked the green seal across the bow and broke the stillness by giving three cheers for the Union as the vessel glided off the ways. At the same time the marines and sailors covering the yards and sides of the North Carolina gave three cheers, and the ceremony was ended.

The Roman Catholic Church and the Colored People.
To the Editor of the Brooklyn Eagle:
All honor to Bishop Rappe of Cincinnati, for the maly and truly Christian sentiment uttered in this extract from a sermon lately delivered in his Cathedral:
"He warned them not to ill-treat the colored people. A colored man had as much right to live and to labor for his living as a white man had, and their rights must be respected. It was cowardly and sinful to molest these people because their skin was of a different color."
Some few of our Roman Catholic clergy have had the independence thus to defend the rights of our colored people. This certainly is in accordance with the teaching and practice of the R. C. Church. Though some of our blacks are Catholics, yet I have not heard of a colored R. C. Church. In the church and in her sacraments, there is no distinction of race or color. Those who profess to be Roman Catholics, and have engaged in persecuting the blacks, have not been properly instructed heretofore in their duty to all their fellow Christians, as equally with them in the Body of CHRIST. Might it be well for the Pastors of the flock to impress as well upon the young as well as upon the old the great duties involved in the Communion of Saints.

To Mechanics of Brooklyn—No. 2.
In a former communication I endeavored to impress on your minds the necessity of selecting a proper newspaper in Brooklyn as your organ, through which you might communicate with each other in your organized capacity, and that that newspaper should be conservative, or at lest impartial in political matters. I also advised you against the admission of politicians (strictly speaking) as members of your associations, and particularly that such men under no circumstances be permitted to represent you in the union of your societies. It would seem useless to advance any arguments in favor of these propositions, as you all must be convinced that party politics and sectarian religion, are of all other topics the most inflammable and least calculated to harmonize and perpetuate the one great undivided interest of the working class. Unity of action, unity of purpose, co-linked with a proper appreciation of your rights and responsibilities as citizens, as working men is all essential to your success. The object of your associations is of a two-fold character, both of which is not only justifiable, but commendable.
First, in a civil point of view, you claim to be the highest and most necessary class, because the only positive producers of wealth, as also the originators of those sources of happiness to mankind resulting from the tens of thousands of avenues opened up through our skill and inventive genius; and secondly, that your industry and enterprise may be properly protected and remunerated. The latter necessity appears the most obvious, as all history of all lands, from the most remote to the present time, unfortunately finds wealth in the hands of the mere speculator, opposed to the fair compensation of those who by their hard labor and untiring industry produced it. I most earnestly contend that but few outside of the ranks of the workingman, either care for or sympathize in the wants of the laborer, and deeming themselves superior by falsely degrading labor, not only exhibit their ignorance of true greatness, but place themselves in direct opposition to those alone who humanely speaking, ever were or can be the instruments of all organic source of wealth and happiness. Hence, fellow mechanics, another indisputable evidence of the necessity of self-defence through your organizations.
Now if there exists a Judge who would condemn you as conspirators against law and order because you peacibly [sic] assert your rights of fair  compensation for your industry, just say to such an one by your vote in keeping with constitutional requirements that his services are not longer needed, you have the power to do so, and the will, should be there too. You will preceive [sic] that my object is to persuade working men not to be governed by the hypocritical harangue of party or politicians, but rather that they should be conservative in all political interests save that which most materially effects their own—there they should become a unit undivided and all together. This argument seems the more reasonable as it is well known to yourselves that with slight exceptions neither of the present, nor any heretofore existing party in their legislative enactments have regarded to any great decree of extent the best interests of that class from which they have majoritively always, derived their power. I wish it to be understood however that when I speak of party I allude more particularly to the abuse, the extremes of party that must always follow corruption, such as originates from barter, and sale of position, division of spoils, disbursement of monies for party purposes, &c. Party in the abstract is no doubt essential to the equilization [sic] of influence—to purify, and will tend to counteract all or any impurities that may and will find their way in the diffusion and perpetuity of those liberal principles that should always characterized republican institutions. To accomplish the good purposes of your associations not only is all that has been suggested necessary, but also it is just as essential that you should have join a publicly recognized organ, known as dedicated to your interests, and through which you may not only speak to each other and the public, but through its columns defend your rights against usurpation—unjust accusations, and that would become the oracle and the champion of the working interest. Allow me to suggest to you the propriety of selecting the Brookyn CITY NEWS as such organ, and rest assured that in calling your attention to this matter the writer is governed solely by your best interests, being no politician nor interested in the "NEWS" to the value of one farthing. But I believe the impartial political character of that journal, and the interest it has taken in times gone by, and is now taking in opening up its columns to the advocacy of the cause of working men should not be  passed in silence, or remain unrewarded by the mechanics and working men of Brooklyn.

Letters from the People.
The Minor Judiciary.
To the Editor of the Brooklyn City News:
An article was printed in your journal on Wednesday last under the caption of "Aspiring to High Places," and contributed by "Senex." The author is evidently one who would be glad to occupy the position of Justice of the Peace, and has no doubt made overtures for the nomination and failed to receive any encouragement. Hence the venom apparent in every line of the effusion. I will leave the unfortunate disappointed "Senex" to his own miserable reflections and turn to the more appropriate question of the fitness of young men to occupy official positions. There is surely more activity of mind in one who has just passed into the fullness of manhood, than in him whose years have passed the meridian of life, whose impulses are sluggish, and whose mind is soured and corrupted with the vicissitudes and disappointments of the world. The gentlemen whose names have been mentioned for the position are too well known in the community to be damaged by the paltry insinuations thrown out as to their education and mental calibres. Filling, as they do, high and responsible positions involving not merely clerical duties, but responsibilities which cannot be trusted to mere ordinary hands, they present in themselves an ample recommendation for any trust with which the people may be disposed to entrust them. There are, Mr. Editor, very many people who in their self exaltation are too willing to believe that there is no wisdom outside of themselves. Therefore it is that we find these spasmodic ebullitions of abuse. As far as the business of dispensing justice in the minor courts is concerned, it is almost a mechanical [sic] matter. Prompt attendance and a supply of blanks are the principal requisites. The routine of business and the measure of punishment is laid down in hand-books, so that he who has the most sluggish gait may read. It is to be hoped, then, that all such persons as "Senex" may find some better mode of relieving their moroseness than in mere abuse. M. P. R.

Secret Organization in Brooklyn.
The article in the Evening Post of a few days since, advising all "good citizens"--i.e. Loyal Leagurers to perfect themselves in the use of arms, "to act and confide in each other" in order to assist the Government, has had its legitimate preliminary fruits. The sheets on which the editorial had appeared had scarcely dried when the suggestion was adopted by the "Republicans" of Brooklyn. The Post insinuated, however, that the work should be done secretly, and the Loyal Leaguers deemed the advice not only excellent, but safe. The object of the League organization was to enforce the draft, and by doing so, purchase immunity for themselves, as the Government would muster them into the service of the United States until the trouble would be over, and thus exempt them.
The matter no doubt was fully discussed at the last meeting of the Republican General Committee. The organization, however, resolved itself into an "executive session," and excluded the reporters, and all others not among the faithful.
But the nice little programme leaked out. Accidents will happen even to Loyal Leaguers in Executive Session. It was resolved to notify all the "good men and true," and circulars were sent to each three days since, inviting them to a secret meeting, on the evening of August 12th, at eight o'clock, in Low's Building, No. 13 Court street, in THE FRONT ROOM on the TOP FLOOR. The stairs and lobbies were to be guarded by Tilers. Unfortunately, one of these circulars fell into the hands of a Democrat, to whom it was by mistake directed; and the plot was thus discovered. We have obtained the circular, which is now in our possession. It contains the signature of the Chairman, and is as follows:
[Confidential and Important.]
BROOKLYN, Aug. 11, 1863.
Mr. ___ (we omit the name.)
No. _____
Sir—Knowing you to be in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war, and the enforcement of the FEDERAL law, we earnestly invite you to meet a few friends on Wednesday, April 12th, 1863, at 7 P. M., at LOW'S BUILDING, No. 13. Court street, (FRONT ROOM, TOP FLOOR.)
Business of great importance to all loyal men. By order of the Committee on Invitations.
[For admission, present this to the door keeper.]
The signature of O. T. Beard, a well known member of the Kings' County Republican Committee, is in writing.
At the appointed hour, we understand, the meeting was held and many Loyal Leaguers enrolled their names. From all we can hear, it appears that "marshals" were also appointed at said meeting. In fact one of the faithful enquiring the cost of becoming a member of said secret society was told a few hours before the meeting took place that he would have nothing to pay, that "others" would furnish him with everything necessary, including arms, equipments, etc..
Such is the legitimate result of the counsel of the Post. One political party is now organizing and arming secretly to subdue and coerce another. Where will this ....

Meeting of the Union Democratic General Committee.
The Union Democratic General Committee met on Thursday evening at their rooms No. 371 Fulton street, Mr. Tennis G. Bergen in the chair.
A Conference Committee of seven were appointed to draft a plan for uniting the two sections of the party in Kings County, on one ticket, and to send a united delegation to Syracuse.
The resolutions endorsing Governor Seymour's letters on the Conscription, adopted by the Nationals, were submitted and laid on the table.
Mr. Small submitted the following as an expression of the views of the Committee:
Since our last meeting there have been large and destructive riots in the city of New York and elsewhere, threatening to overthrow by mob force not only the federal force engaged in the conscription enactment, but also the very foundations of our national existence. Now then, Mr. Chairman, the thanks of the Democracy of this county are due and we hereby openly give to the Hon. Horatio Seymour, the Governor of this the State of New York, the credit of restoring quiet and order, and we also console with the families of those who, in order to maintain and support the laws, were stricken down in doing their duty to their country; and while we are opposed to riot and disorder, murder of innocent people of color and destruction of large amounts of property, and a total disregard for law and order, we openly charge the destruction of life and property to the teachings of the New York Tribune, New York Times, and such like radical newspapers throughout the country, besides the arbitrary and unconstitutional laws of last Congress, the despotic and unprincipled acts of the present party in power, from President down to his lowest hireling--the flagrant abuse of confidence reposed in said party that in fact we deem the exile of Mr. Vallandigham the military usurpation in the State of Kentucky by depriving the citizen the freedom of the ballot, the fraudulent acts of the Provost Marshals of New York as  shown by Governor Seymour in his late correspondence with the President, and several acts of the Administration to rob us of our rights as guaranteed to us by the Constitution.
Now, while we the Democrats of Kings County, do hold to a vigorous prosecution of the war to a successful issue, we hold that it shall be conducted under the acts of the Constitution for the integrity of the Union as handed down to us by our revolutionary fathers.
We shall not object to be conscripted or taxed for vigorous prosecution of the war, so long as every man may receive the same chance, but when a certain portion of population is called for double that of others and that because of it being democratic, is one of the most shameful transactions ever imposed on a free people. We would warn the President and all those in power to be careful how they abuse the gift entrusted to them, as we the people recognize no law but the Constitution of the United States and the several States. Usurpers in Washington as well as at Richmond, must conform to the laws, for in the language of Jackson, "The Union must and shall be preserved."
The Regular Democratic Union Committee of Kings County hail with satisfaction the noble action of the Board of Aldermen, and also of his Honor the Mayor, and also the Corporations of New York, Jersey City, and other bodies, for their timely aid in appropriating funds for the relief of poor men who, with large families, were to be torn from their homes by an arbitrary arid unconstitutional law, and one that makes no provision for the sustenance of those families during the time said poor men might be away at the seat of war. The action of those Democratic bodies if conforming to despotic laws, by giving them our purse when they demand our money or our lives, shows that the Democratic party desire to be obedient to all laws no matter how obnoxious they may be, until otherwise repealed. We, the Democratic party, have nobly aided in the prosecution of the war, when it was carried on in a constitutional manner; but now that the Administration has chosen to conduct it in the radical style—for the Abolition of slavery—we, the Democracy of Kings County, do pause to render any more assistance, determined to allow those who like the equality of whites and negroes to go to the field and to do the fighting—as we are determined to aid in the restoration of the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is—one Flag, one Country; one Destiny, and but one Color to be predominant.
The matter was referred to a Special Committee to draft resolutions upon the subject.

Letters from the People.
"Citizen," "No Copperhead" and "Patriotism."
To the Editor of the Brooklyn City News:
BROOKLYN, July 28.
Being a constant reader of your valuable and independent paper, I cannot refrain from expressing my admiration of your liberality in all owing to
"The People" a column for discussion. Our people being manifestly a thinking and argumentative people, you deserve their thanks for giving them a chance to discuss with latitude, subjects that are interesting to all classes and conditions, as they affect the perpetual well-being of after generations.
Yesterday, "No Copperhead" and "Patriotism" ventilated their ideas about the man of "fifteen reasons," drawing inferences derogatory to the loyalty and patriotism of the latter. "Citizen," in giving his reasons, against being drafted, gave expression to the feelings of his heart, as is evident from the plain Saxon he uses to convey those reasons. His deductions, whether right or wrong, are evidently drawn from the opinions of Washington, Webster, Jay and Hamilton, of a past age—(and certainly the purest of the Republic)—and Cowan, Thomas, Douglas, Fillmore and Harris, of the present.
"No Copperhead" and "Patriotism" speak of "the traitorous scoundrels that have dragged the loved flag of our country in the streets," and of a "wife and family whom I love above all earthly things," and heroically declare that "none but traitors or cowards refuse to aid their country in its urgent need."
In contemplating the significance of these quotations, Mr. Editor, I am appalled at the wickedness that has stalked through our fair land for the past twenty years; and you will pardon, me, I trust, for giving expression and record to some of our crimes.
The sacred emblem of liberty, the Starry banner of the free,—designated by the disloyal as the "Flaunting Lie,—has been trailed in the streets,—the tribunes of the people have been assassinated while discharging their duty to the people,—the ministers of the law have been slain even upon the threshold of the Temple of Justice,—the godlike unity of the States has been derided as a thing to be deplored,—the Constitution which bound the Republic in love and unity and concord and durability, has been characterized as a "compact with hell,"—men of the same blood and the same religion and the same land have been declared parties to an "Irrepressible Conflict" wherein one of the parties must die that the other may riot in the possession of his inheritance;—the descendants of the  Washingtons and the Lees on the one side; and the Putnams and the Livingstons on the other now stand the mailed witnesses of the fruits of these dreadful deeds and diabolical teachings.
And who committed these deeds and who taught these things, O "'Patriotism?" and who are determined that there shall be no end to them, O "No Copperhead?"
"None but traitors or copperheads refuse to aid their country!" Say you so, "Patriotism?" Then must he have been a traitor who wished U. S. Soldiers to receive "hospitable graves" in a foreign land. Then the Congressman who voted to withhold supplies from our suffering soldiers on a foreign shore must be one or both of these things. Then, the patriots who threw vitriol upon U. S. soldiers in the streets of Boston, and stoned and looted Manning's Battery in the streets of Salem, were copperheads! Do you see the point, gentlemen? But, suppose we draw a curtain over these things, and look only at the present. You impeach the loyalty of "Citizen" because he don't want to go to the war. Do you want to go? What is the hindrance? You infer that you are patriotic,—we want deeds, not words, What did you ever do for your country that "Citizen" did not? You may plead your "heart and soul" in the cause. Gentlemen, your heart and soul without a musket and a bayonet before "it" is of no more consequence to Grant and Meade than the effusions of your pen. You love your family "above all earthly things." A patriot loves his country first, last and forever. On your own admission you are mistaken in your patriotism. Patriotism, as taught to Americans, means Unity, Law, Equity and Fraternity,—not Power. Nigger, Greenbacks!
To conclude, gentlemen, be kind enough to answer me, 1st. If you think the war, as now prosecuted, is most efficacious for the salvation of the country, why are you here?
2. You believe it is necessary to fill the army—are you too cowardly to fight for your belief? The Mormon and the Mohamedan were not.
3. Why would you have your fellow man do that which you shirk yourself?
Vox Populi.

Decision in Case of an Enlisted Minor.—Judge E. Darwin Smith, on Saturday last, had a hearing in the case of an enlisted minor, who was brought before him upon a writ of habeas corpus procured by the father of the recruit, who desired to have the boy discharged on the ground of minority. The Judge held that the boy could not be released, on the ground that the enlistment was regular and in accordance with the United States law, which he, as a State Judge, could not supercede [sic].
REMARKS.—In case the plaintiff had been successful in his object, the recruiting officer could have had the boy arraigned for perjury and false pretenses, in swearing falsely to his age, and procuring clothing and bounty from the Government. Such an issue of the case would have been much more unpleasant to the parents of the young soldier.

Who is Bowers?
To the Editor of the Brooklyn Eagle:
We noticed in Saturday's paper a communication signed "Justice," enquiring "Who is Bowers." We take this opportunity to inform "Justice" where it may be found. Bowers and Co., successors to Walt__, Bicker, dealers and receivers in coal and wood of all kinds, can be found at their offices, Atlantic, corner of Furman, Pacific, cor. Colombia, and Congress, near Columbia, Brooklyn.—Yours, respectfully,

THE SEVENTIETH REGIMENT TO GARRISON FORT HAMILTON.—Orders were received yesterday directing two companies of the Seventieth Regiment Artillery to prepare to march at an hour's notice. The colonel ordered the Regimen to meet at the Arsenal at 10 o'clock A. M., in full uniform and dismounted, with the view of selecting the companies with the fullest ranks. Captain Thomas McCarty, of Company C, reported
120, and Captain John Timmes 100 men ready for duty. These companies were selected and. ordered to march under command of Major Robert Smith. Their destination is either Fort Hamilton or some of the fortifications on the Staten Island side of the Narrows. An artillery company from Rochester, N. Y., was some time since ordered to garrison Fort Hamilton, and if they arrive soon will probably be assigned to that position. If not, the Seventieth will be sent there, and the Rochester company to Staten Island. The following are the officers of the Seventieth Regiment as far as selected:
Colonel, Wm. J. Cropsey; Lieutenant Colonel, Francis G. Grunning; Major, Robert Smith; Adju­tant, John McLear; Quartermaster, Robert Sullivan.
Co. A, Capt. Keyser, and Lieuts., Batterman; Co. B, Capt. John Timmes, Lieuts., Zinger, Wockerman and Schmeldmacher; Co. C, Captain, Thomas McCarty, Lieuts., Peter Farrell Michael C. Colean, and Robert Ellwood; Co. D, Capt., Anthony Walter, Lieuts., Schaack, John Wills, and John Hoaninger; Co. E, Capt., Richard J. Barry, Lieuts., G. S. Cowenhoven, and John Brague; Co. F, Lieut. White commanding, and Lieuts., Morris and Horsely; Co. H, Capt. Snyder, Lieuts., Dillmyer, Charles A. Ullman, and Frederick Kendler; Co. R, Capt., Joseph F. Miller, Lieuts., Hadfield and Owens.

ARREST OF AN ALLEGED AGENT FOR THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.—-A Southern gentleman named JOHN MOORE, who had been boarding at the Pierrepont House, in Montague-street, with his wife and daughter, for the past two months, was induced to leave the hotel on Thursday night to go to New-York by a man known as Col. SHERMAN, and since ascertained to be a Government detective. After reaching the other side he was conveyed to Jersey City, and it is believed sent on to Washington. The charges against him, if any, have not been divulged. The circumstances of the arrest appear to be these: SHERMAN made frequent visits to the Pierrepont House since Mr. MOORE came there, and became very intimate with him, and it is supposed that he obtained sufficient information by "pumping" to warrant his arrest. SHERMAN went by the name of Jones during this time. He not only became intimate with Mr. MOORE but with his family. About 9 o'clock on Thursday night he persuaded Mr. MOORE to accompany him to New York, and that is the last seen of him. On Friday morning SHERMAN, accompanied by another Government detective, called at the house, and requested the privilege of searching Mr. Moore's baggage. The proprietor, Mr. BURNS, told him he should allow no one to enter their rooms without the consent of Mrs. MOORE, who was absent at the time, having gone to New-York in search of her husband. Sherman then left, and the other detective occupied a room opposite Mr. MOORE'S apartments. A short time thereafter SHERMAN returned in company with Mrs. Moore, who consented that he should examine their baggage. The detectives proceeded to do so in presence of Mrs. MOORE and daughter and the proprietor of the house. They overhauled everything, and took possession of a few scraps of manuscript and several daguerreotypes, with which they left. Mrs. Moors expressing confidence that there was nothing in the trunks to implicate her husband in any respect, or in any offence, interposed no objections whatever. Mr. MOORE 'is about 60 years of age, and is a native of Maryland. Col. SHERMAN stated that Mr. Moore's real name was HYLAND, and that he was an agent of the Southern Confederacy. Her also informed Mr. Burns that he should call again on Monday, (to0day.) and inform him what disposition had been made of Mr. MOORE. The affair creates a good deal of excitement throughout the City.

Orations, Speeches, Pic-Nics,
Excursions, Dinners, Fireworks, &c., &c.
The national holiday was celebrated by our citizens this year with more than usual spirit. Early in the day the national emblem was flung to the breeze from the public places, and the day had not far advanced before our city was gay with bunting. In the harbor the shipping presented a fine appearance, and on all hands there were indications that the day would be one of festivity and enjoyment. Numberless pic-nics, excursions, and parties had been arranged in advance, and at an early hour it became evident that by rail, steamers and carriage, the city, for that day at least, would lose a goodly share of its population.
The weather was overcast--just enough to shut out the piercing rays of the sun, and yet not enough to cause the apprehension of rain or any such disagreeable interruption to the enjoyments of the day.
The favorable intelligence of the morning from the battle field in Pennsylvania, had elevated the spirit of the entire population, and all went forth with a confidence and in a spirit of thankfulness to the God of Battles, which the intelligence received at a later hour served to strengthen. This circumstance gave a glow to every one's spirits, and a relish for the many things, public and private, which all had promised themselves.
Of the doings of the day, we subjoin reports of the principal features, remarking that it was observed in a thousand ways of which no attempt is made to make a record.

Under the auspices of the 19th ward "Union League of Loyal Men," assisted by a large committee of prominent citizens of the Eastern and
Western Districts, a Union jubilee and 4th of July celebration came off at the Bedford Avenue square on the evening of the Fourth. Eminent speakers had been engaged, fire-works were to be let off, the illumination was to be brilliant and the Navy Yard band was to discourse sweet music, and soon a large crowd assembled in the vicinity of the spacious platform erected in front of the fountain. The platform was decorated with the American colors fastened around it; running through the platform was a flag staff from which floated the colors with a streamer that reached to the ground. Flags of all nations were suspended high in the air from a rope attached to the roofs of the mansions and extended over the entire square. American bunting of various sizes streamed from the windows of many houses. The
beautiful fountain was gushing forth its glittering drops of water in full force.
At six o'clock the exercises commenced according to the printed programme; the band played with its usual excellence national and sentimental airs at the end of each address. The platform was filled with prominent citizens of both districts and a few gentlemen from New York. The crowd now numbered about 3,000, but later it numbered 5,000 at least. Among them we could see many a brave soldier with his lady love. The good news from Gettysburg had an excellent effect on speakers and hearers and when the President's proclamation concerning the national victory was read, it was greeted with immense applause. The verandahs, stoops, and windows of the houses in the vicinity were soon filled with the beauty and fashion of our city. The bells pealed forth their glorious paens for a short time, and crackers, pistols, torpedoes, and occasionally the buzz of a sky-rocket made a disagreeable discord that drowned the voices of the orators. As darkness approached, at about 8 o'clock the scene resembled something that we have read of in the "Arabian Nights." Most of the houses were illuminated, and every gas-burner was turned on with an utter disregard of economy. Incalculable numbers of Chinese lanterns and Union lanterns were seen everywhere; the former shaped like big pears, and the latter were cylindrical, about four inches in diameter, on which was the word "Union." They were of the most diversified colors. The platform was lighted up by a hundred of them, while they hung from every window and door in the square, far up Bedford Avenue and down Morton street. Balls of fire, showers of sparks issued from the windows of the houses, while the scene was still further illuminated by sky rockets and "mines." Small fire balloons were sent up and disappeared. Spinning wheels, &c. were set off in front of the various residences. At times the square seemed to be filled with sparks, stars and balls of fire of various colors. Nothing disturbed the harmony of the occasion.
Mr. Ambrose Snow presided, assisted by a large number of Vice-Presidents and Secretaries. The Declaration of Independence was read by Mr. George H. Fizbee, Alderman and late member of the Assembly. A series of resolutions were read by Mr. J. E. Berry, and unanimously adopted. They were as follows:
Whereas, Our Fathers, bound together by the love of country and devotion to the cause of Freedom, on the 4th of July, 1776, did, at the peril of their lives, nobly confront the dangers around them and publish to the world that Declaration which has immortalized and placed their names among the noblest and wisest of the world's benefactors, and is the great charter of civil liberty and the foundation of all democratic institutions now, that we may not be proved "degenerate sons of noble sires," and again to show to the world that the American people are not unmindful of the heritage handed down to us by the founders of our Government, conceived by their wisdom and consecrated by their blood,—be it therefore
Resolved, that, as eighty-seven years ago this day was made ever memorable by our Fathers pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to defend the cause of freedom against all foes, so we, in celebrating this our Nation's Birth-day, do pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor to protect those principles for which they braved all danger, and to defend the national cause against all enemies, whether foreign foes or domestic traitors.
Resolved, That our warmest thanks and gratitude are due to our brave soldiers and sailors now striving to uphold our flag, and we pledge ourselves ever to encourage and assist them, and if need be, to join their ranks on the field of battle.
Resolved, That the recent interference of the French Emperor in the affairs of a sister Republic, shows us how much the progress of free institutions and republican liberty depend upon the maintenance of the American Union, and warns us how soon the iron heel of despotism would be set upon the rights of man should the nation's arm remain paralyzed; and hence we call upon all who would save their country, all who love Freedom, all who regard the cause of humanity, of whatever party or sect, to join with us in crushing this most wicked Rebellion, and to never falter so long as there remains a single man in arms against the Government.
Resolved, That Governor Seymour deserves, and we give to him, our warmest thanks for his noble and statesman-like action in promptly aiding a sister State in repelling the invader from her borders; and may God help him to preserve in a work so noble and patriotic, and to preserve intact the only Government on earth which recognizes every citizen as a man, and guarantees to all "Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
Resolved, That, as in the dark days of our nation's birth our Fathers despaired not, but struggled on for eight long years until their hopes were more than realized, so we, this United League of loyal men, gather to celebrate the 87th jubilee of liberty, call upon all to rise above all party, above all personal interests, and with us around the national standard in support of the Government, to gather fresh strength of courage from the example of the olden heroes and never despair nor falter, but carry on the war until the demon, secession, so destructive to all republican institutions, be put down, and our flag once more wave in triumph throughout the length and breadth of our Country, which then shall truly be the "land of the free and the home of the brave."
After the applause had .... the resolutions, the chairman .... C. D. Foss. [A confused din going on, his remarks could not be heard very well by the Reporter. He said that on the present occasion he stood upon the platform of the patriot and the philanthropist. They were there to maintain the heritage of our ancestors of the Revolution, to be handed down to the remotest posterity. That heritage was not broad and sunny lands, inland lakes and rivers; it was not the flag that floats proudly on every sea and on which the sun never sets; it was not the memory of Washington; it was all of these and more--it was civil liberty. [Applause.] It is for that we are contending Benjamin Franklin at one time was waited on by a young printer who asked for a loan to start him in business. Franklin, on giving him the loan, said, “You must pay that back—not to me alone—but pass it on to another young tradesman, and so on let it go down to posterity." our Government must also be handed down to posterity. If we give only the dismembered fragments still will not the world degenerate. Europe had struggled in vain to attain it, and the talisman has been attacked and he urged upon all the duty of defending it. [Great applause.]
After the band had played "When this cruel war is over, "the Chairman introduced R. H. Huntley, Esq., who was received with great applause.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: He who will take the time to think and do a thing will see that there is no time to be wasted. If you will think of the stake involved in this contest, the interests to be maintained, the result to be accomplished you will find that any nation may well be proud to sustain them. It is a common observation by some that the nation is in her death throes, that she is in her mortal agony,--that it is her Gethsemene, and indeed she is sweating drops of blood. It is her hour of agony, and she sweats and groans. Over what does she sweat, and why are her groans uttered? fellow citizens, have you ever thought in what contest we are engaged; and if we conquer, have you ever thought what it would make of this nation? —When the Athenian chieftain stood upon the plain of Marathon, he exclaimed: "If we conquer today we make Athens the greatest city of Greece;" and who that is looking on, who at this contest at this time but will exclaim: "If we conquer we make the greatest nation of the world." [Great applause.] I ask, who are we fighting? We are fighting men that have taught us to respect them—rebels, to be sure, but they are brave. I honor them for their bravery, and when we have whipped them, as I trust in God we shall, they will be with us as brothers, a brave and heroic nation, fit, indeed, to herald on liberty through all the ages. [Applause.] It is not in the record of Time to divide this nation. The country is washed from North to South by the magnificent Mississippi; it is belted together by the Allegheny and the Rocky Mountains. God himself has cast an iron band around it and a copper belt through it and it is not within the energies of man to divide it. We want Southern men. We will have those Southern men. We want them now more than ever we wanted then before. We want them because they are brave and because they know how to fight. And thank God, they fight like heroes! That sentiment may not be palitable, but for myself I respect bravery whenever I find it. If I respect those men for their bravery I detest them for the purpose to which they apply it. What is that purpose? Look at it for a moment; they belonged to the most august nation that ever walked into the grand confederacy of Sates [sic]. They are themselves a part and parcel of that nation which if united knew not its power, but knows it now. They fight in the spirit of a work which must be performed well. We were pursuing the arts of peace, and cultivating the sciences and mechanical arts. We were men as God made us, devoted to the arts of war, and we have forgotten that. The rebels have taught us the lesson. They have aroused the spirit of this nation to what they never knew or dreamed of; they have indeed made it a nation, for that it will be divided, I look upon as utterly impossible. When this war shall cease and that union becomes in reality what it is in appearance, then this nation unquestionably will be acknowledged by the other nations of the world as the greatest and the most powerful in existence.
People talk about our foreign relations. They say that Mr. Seward is very smart because he takes care of our foreign relations. Well, now, I did not know that we had any foreign relations; I thought that all our relations were at home. It is said that all our foreign affairs are well taken care of. I do hope that men will learn this one thing, that when we have taken care of this nation our foreign affairs will take care of themselves. [Applause.] For it is as sure as sun-rise that when the government puts down this rebellion and makes this nation one in spirit, our foreign relations will come to us for us to take care of them. [Laughter and applause.] You have read in your Grecian and Roman histories of patriotism and bravery. You have read of men who offered

up their lives—offered their lives knowing that they must die and that it was a sacrifice. They did it bravely and as heroes do it. You have called the men of the Revolution patriots and you honored their patriotism. How many of you have said and felt that the hour of such patriotism has gone by? But has it? Was there ever a people that would show more purity of motive, more bravery of heart and mere of self sacrificing devotion than the people of America are showing to-day, and I care not on which side of the line you put it? There is as much bravery and self-sacrificing devotion to day as there ever was, and we do not know it. We thought we lived in a pusilanimous age. We thought that we lived among a people who would sacrifice everything before they would rise up in defence of their polital [sic] rights. But when the necessity came, that necessity stamped upon the earth, and a nation rose to its surface in arms. All have been surprised at the great lesson of the day, and none so much as politicians. They used to go to caucuses and say you must do thus and so, and the people will submit. We did not know where the blood of the nation was to be found. We thought it was in the resolutions gotten up in the caucus. It never was there; it lay back out of sight; but when the necessity came it came into the sight. Hereafter I will say, for one, that I have learned a lesson that has done me good, infinite good for political action yet to be. I thank God that even in this terrible hour we have developed a blessing and find a patriot people worthy of constituting a free nation. [Applause.] There are some here perhaps who are weighed down with a load of grief after the staff on which they leaned for support has been taken away. A cherished son may have been snatched away and offered up on the altar of his country. They mourn him, and mourn him they well may. But for them the pen of the historian will write in golden letters and their names will live, while wars are forgotten, on the page of the country's history. Their names will not only represent the individual, but the embodiment of the principle of patriotism, a love of country and of glory. It is said that we are gaining success, and I believe it is so. That success will be a proud one for us not only because it will be over a brave foe, but because it will tend to produce a oneness of country. Why has not victory perched upon our banners before? We have lacked in the choice of leaders. No mistakes were made in this regard in the Revolution, when such men as Washington and Lafayette were chosen as leaders. No mistake has been made in this regard in the so called Southern Confederacy. They made their first and last choice, and they chose well. They prepared for what they undertook. For twenty years before the Rebellion the subject was canvassed and the conviction became settled of the impending struggle. The first warning we had of this rebellion was the attack on Fort Sumter, and we now see in its full vigor the treason that was whispered thirty years ago in South Carolina. Darkly and resolutely it worked, and had it not been for its leaders, it had been driven into the Gulf of Mexico long ago. We have received this lesson and have profited [sic]. We have got Rosecrans. (Applause)--who stands like a stake of iron driven into a quarry of mar­ble. We have Grant. (Applause.) We need not trouble ourselves about his rear; he is in the habit of looking front and he is ready to move on Vicksburg. We have got Meade,(Great applause.) We have got Meade and Meade has got the rebels. If we have great leaders, we have nothing to fear. Volunteers will come forward when victory is chained to the banners. A noble man has gone, the brave and patriotic Foote. Although we can ill afford to lose a great man we need not despair. From his ashes will spring up other heroes. If we are determined to conquer the result of the struggle will be a Republic and the greatest nation on the earth. (Great applause.)
The band then struck up "The Star Spangled Banner." After which the Rev. John McClellan Holmes was introduced. His remarks were loudly applauded.

We meet again, after two years, to renew the pledge of devotion to the nation. The crisis was now upon us, and we are assured of victory. They were assembled also to learn the lesson of duties. Prominent among them was the duty of loyalty unconditional and entire—a duty that says, "This is my country, and by that country I will stand or fall." [Applause.] As part of loyalty we should sustain those who hold office, and are charged with governing and administering. We must stand by them with our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honors, even though we distrust their wisdom. We must co-operate, "heart and hand," so that the country will have a single front. The second lesson is that of faith, At the present time it was eminently meet that we should place a supreme trust based upon the rectitude of our cause, and that based in Him who is the God of our country and the God of battles. There has been too much of a disposition to feel at times that everything was going to ruin, and that the Southern Confederacy would be a success. It must not be so, and we must not believe it. We must think that the country has been sanctified by the revolution; that the cause id the cause of liberty, of humanity, which God approves, and it is not for us to doubt. For right is right, and God is God, God has placed before us a glorious destiny, and he was not one of those who thought that this nation is to be given over to political demagogues. Dark hours may come upon us, but the sun will finally shine out in the clear sky. The third lesson is that of enthusiasm. It is a very important element of success, and God always helps those who are enthusiastic. We are not to struggle with a faltering hand and step; we are not to give with a stinted liberality. Those soldiers that follow the great leader are always enthusiastic. Cromwell and his Puritan troops marched along invincible to the tones of "Old Hundred." We have every reason to be loyal, to be believing and to be enthusiastic. We have it in our glorious government and institutions and in the noble men that God has raised up to accomplish this great work. Peace follows victory and the only honorable peace that we can get. When the sun has cast its radiant beams upon the cliffs of the Alpine ranges, a shepherd leaving his cot sounds his bugle, announcing to those far down in the valley that the sun has risen. The horn is answered by another and another until it dies away in the distance, each one communicating the fact. And when the glorious day shall arrive of our success, from the Gulf to the Lakes and from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores, there shall come the bugle call, proclaiming "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable."
At this hour the brilliancy of the scene became apparent to all. Rockets, Roman candles, etc., were showering sparks and balls of fire in all directions. The band played a sentimental air.
The Chairman then introduced the Rev. Matthew Hale Smith. In commencing, he said that a gentleman had his gig run into by an omnibus.
He asked him if he was going to sue for damages. The gentleman answered that he already had enough; but if he sued for anything it would be for repairs. (Laughter.) It is unnecessary to ask how we got into trouble as a nation; the great concern is, how to get out of it, and the part we are to bear in the contest now going on. Our nation is the greatest and strongest nation on the earth. England and France, in order to save themselves, have to have an alliance. In two years the greatest army of the world has been assembled. Our resources have been great to overflowing, and we have supplied the starving poor of other lands. We have made the South what she is, and if she goes out of the Union and stays out, she perishes. We have supported her like a pauper. In conclusion, he related several laughable anecdotes illustrative of the times.
Mr. S. E. Church being introduced made some patriotic remarks and on exclaiming "Will you now say that you pledge your hearts and your lives anew to the service of your country?" the enthusiastic audience gave a telling response in the affirmative.
Remarks were made by other gentlemen not included in the programme who volunteered to speak. The Rev. Mr. Clapp, Mr. Samuel Hotaling and Mr. Banvart were each received with applause.
The audience slowly dispersed at a late hour highly pleased with the exercises of the evening.
The following letters were read:
BROOKLYN, E. D., July 1, 1863.
DEAR SIRS:—It would afford me much pleasure to be present, and to act as one of the Vice Presidents, at the Union Jubilee to take place at the Square in Bedford avenue, on the coming Anniversary of our National Birth-day; but as I am engaged to speak at a similar demonstration on that day, in the Methodist Church at Orient, L. I., it will be impossible to accept your invitation.
You are at liberty to use my name if, in any way, it can be of service to you.
Such a demonstration as you propose to give on our approaching National Jubilee, is one that, in the present crises of our history, is peculiarly appropriate, and has my most cordial sympathy. We cannot do too much just now to inspire our people with the spirit of Christian patriotism.
The "Union Leagues of Loyal Men" have my sympathy, when it can be of any service they can use my name; and when not otherwise previously engaged, they can command my personal aid in word or deed. I am, gentlemen,
Yours, very truly,
To Messrs. James D. Sparkman, S. Tattle, Ambrose
E. Snow, Com. of Invitation.

GENTLEMEN:—I have been honored with an invitation to speak at a meeting to be held in Bedford Square, on the 4th of July, by the 19th Ward Union League of Loyal Men. Your invitation is a very high compliment, and a proof that I hold no other principle than that by which all loyal men are actuated at this present moment, viz: obedience to law, and a conscientious support of the constitutionally chosen representatives of the people. Your invitation, gentlemen, is more than complimentary. It is an assurance that my efforts in this community, in my own humble sphere, are appreciated. For when so respectable a body of men as those constituting the "Loyal League" would invite me to speak on themes suggested by the immortal Declaration of Independence, and that too at this particular time of this great nation's existence, I must feel myself highly honored. Though I thus prize your kind invitation, you will pardon my declining to speak on the occasion, as I have ever sought retirement rather than public life, and my habit of thought might lead me into a sermonizing style, which you will admit, would be entirely out of place, at your Grand Union jubilee.
All things considered, I think I can accomplish more for the noble cause, by pursuing the even tenor of my way, than by my appearing at a public meeting for which I find myself entirely unfitted.
You will, Gentlemen, take these reasons into you kind consideration, and accept my grateful acknowledgements, for your invitation.
Yours most sincerely,
To Messrs James D. Sparkman, S. Tuttle, Ambrose
E. Snow, Committee of Invitation.
56 Ross Street.
Brooklyn, E. D., June 27, 1863.
James D. Sparkman, S. Tuttle, Ambrose E.
Snow, Esqs:
GENTS:—Your circular extending me an invitation to act as one of the Vice-Presidents at the Grand Union Jubilee of the 19th Ward Union Leaguer, to be held in the Square on Bedford avenue, on the 4th day of July, is received. The day appointed is a most appropriate one—and I am extremely sorry that I will be unable to aid you by my presence, as previous engagements will necessarily compel me to decline the honor extended me. If it will have any effect towards enhancing the objects of the meeting, you can use my name.
Believing the object of the meeting a glorious one, and entitled to the support and sympathy of all good and patriotic citizens, I am very respectfully yours, &c., A. LIMINGER.

To Messrs. J. D. Sparkman, S. Tuttle and A. E.
Snow, Committee:
GENTLEMEN:—Your invitation to me to act as one of the Vice-Presidents of the 19th Ward Grand Union Jubilee, is received, and I sincerely regret that it is out of my power to comply with your request, as I have other engagements.
Very truly yours, A. F. KRACK.
June 30, '63.

In the afternoon a large and highly respectable company of the elite of that portion of our city, were present and listened with delight amid the shaded grove to the patriotic sentiments and songs which the inspiration of the day and hour called forth. The stage was gracefully decorated with our country's flag. C. W. Godard, Esq., presided. Prayer was offered by the Rev. Mr. Wortman. The Union Quartette sung, ''Who would Sever Freedom's Land," which was deservedly encored. The Declaration of Independence was then read by Mr. Ryan, "Star Spangled Banner," by the Band; and a song, "The Flag of the Free," by the Quartette,

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN.--One year ago, some of us who are now present, assembled here in this place, with nature smiling all around us, to pay a passing tribute to the memory of our Fathers, and also to take counsel in regard to the great pending struggles of the day. It will be remembered that the severe, and disastrous battles before Richmond, had just been fought; and the Country was filled with sorrow, and mourning, since which time, our armies have met with varied success, sometimes gladdening the hearts of all true patriots, and at others, filling them with weeping and sorrow, and perhaps, this may justly describe our condition to day.
Recent events, however, have done much to lighten the burthen, which has rested upon the true friends of the Government, and I pray God that our most sanguine hopes may be fully realized.
Eighty-seven years ago, this day, our fathers bequeathed to us an inheritence [sic] the most sublime that was ever transmitted to man, and from that day onward until within a very recent period, we rapidly and steadily increased in greatness, without a parallel in the history of the world. But, alas! what is our condition on this great natal day, which ... much veneration? What has brought about this great change? What has caused rivers of blood to flow, and mourning in almost every household? Why is it that to-day, instead of celebrating this anniversary throughout the land, as in days that are past and gone, our people are engaged in horrid strife up[on the bloody field? What, I ask you, is all this about?
I think I propounded about the same queries last year, and I now repeat them, and earnestly call the attention of those who hear me to their vital points, for here may be found, as the lawyers say, the very pinch of the case.
Ladies and Gentlemen—You will hardly expect on this occasion an old-fashioned 4th of July address. The times and condition of our country suggest new themes, more interesting and more necessary to be considered.
Last year, the same orator who will now address us, favored us with a production that attracted the attention of the whole country; in fact it was a grand onward march, in the right direction, breaking up new ground, and demonstrating most clearly the necessity of new action, and it would almost seem that, in this obscure place, a new platform was erected for the nation to base action upon.
Our speaker, then pointed out the cause of this Infernal and wicked rebellion, and also, pointed out the remedy, and I respectfully ask you to compare the views advanced on that occasion with what has transpired since, and then ask yourselves, if I am not justifiable in making this remark. But I will not detain you, I only ask your careful and earnest attention, to what will be said to you on this occasion, and I promise you a rich reward.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I now have the pleasure of introducing to you, the Hon. H. B. Stanton.

Mr. Stanton, by way of exordium, sketched an elaborate picture of the war. He then said that when he reflected that the wounds it was inflicting would not wholly heal for a century, and the burdens it was imposing would be felt by unborn generations, he realized the beauty of the Divine apothegm, "blessed are the peacemakers." Though an advocate of peace he was not in favor of scabbing over the ulcer, but probing it to the core, and making the cure radical and perpetual. Such a peace could not be obtained by compromise. In the sectional disturbances of the past, compromise had always been the panacea administered by the political Galens of the era. When the pending convulsion exhibited its premonitory symptoms, the majority of our people looked for relief to the empirics of the old school. And perhaps the alarmed North, during the winter of 1860—'61, would have given the South all that its moderate men demanded as the condition of staying the march of Secessia. This crisis passed away long ago. The Negro Propaganda, made arrogant by many victories, was not now to be appeased by Northern abasement of the olden type. Secession, concocted thirty years ago, aimed not at ruling but at destroying the Union. When the conspiracy reached its climax, its authors made the election of Lincoln, to which they had essentially contributed, the pretext for striking at the nation's life. Having succeeded so well in their plot, would the Catilines now consent to a restoration of the Union? All such hopes had perished amid the carnage of a hundred battle fields. No considerable party in the North would now dare offer such terms of compromise as the South would at one time have accepted; but even if through some miracle the beligerents [sic] could proclaim an armistice and negotiate a restoration of the Union, it would hardly come up to the level of a truce. The war was not merely an "irrepressible conflict," but a struggle for the mastery between irreconcilable principles, policies and peoples. It was a war between the Roundheads and the Cavaliers, between Democracy and Aristocracy, between Freedom and Slavery. Permanent peace could be obtained only through the triumph of the Right over the Wrong. Therefore, having become involved in this contest, the only sure way out was the way straight through. Nor could we hope for permanent peace .... When Secession had carried five or six States out of the Union, and a terrible war was imminent, large numbers turned toward division as the means of pressing peace. But the booming of Beauregard's cannon at Charleston roused the North to reflection. They saw that severence [sic] of the national unity was death to the Republic. Then our whole people rose and clamored for relentless war against the conspirators. But this contest, dragging its weary length through more than two years, had naturally produced a Northern party ready to accept peace on Southern terms, i. e. division. Conced­ing for the moment that the North would tolerate the idea, the beligerents [sic] could never agree upon a line of separation [sic]. Run it crooked or straight, and it would encounter fierce hostility along every mile of its extent. The border slave States would be precipitated into civil war on the mere question whether they would unite with the North or the South, ultimately involving in their quarrel both sections. Even if by Divine interposition a line could be agreed upon, a throng of other obstacles would crowd the path of negotiation. Who should pay the damages inflicted by the war, and especially upon the South? Her cities in ruins, her fields wasted, her agriculture blasted, her trade destroyed, her people pinched with want, her sectional pride humbled, her cherished institution shivered from foundation to pinnacle, her territory trodden underfoot by an invader whom she was wont to despise--would she accept peace without reparation for these injuries? Would the North consent to compensate her? Who would pay the War-debt of the respective Sections? The North could pay its own. But would not the poverty-stricken South, always arrogant and grasping, with its stocks a thousand per cent, below par, insist that the rich North should aid it in discharging obligations incurred during the War? In adjusting this dispute, would the negotiators have to drop their pens and seize their swords? Supposing that all this long list of difficulties could be surmounted, two others over top them like mountains. He alluded to the territories and to Slavery. Should the millions of acres lying between the Mississippi and the Pacific, and stretching through twenty-five parallels of latitude, rich in their soil, their forests, their mines, their lakes, their rivers, and capable of giving homes to myriads of people, be consecrated to free labor forever, or be doomed through coming generations to human slavery? Having adjusted this controversy, which had heretofore baffled the cunning of statesmen, and was one of the main causes of the pending war, how would the high contracting parties dispose of the whole subject of slavery? In the past, it had fomented dissensions that had defied the soothing expedients of those whom the populace called sages. The President had proclaimed lawful freedom to three millions of slaves. A million had obtained actual deliverance from bondage. Would the Negro Propaganda accept a peace that did not restore the ancient status of Slavery? Would the North provoke the scorn of the world by consenting to such a restoration? If it dared to attempt it, would it avail ought while a hundred thousand battle scarred negroes, carrying Federal rifles, were marshalled [sic] in every state below the Potomac and the Ohio? It was not emancipation that bathed St. Domingo in blood, but the attempt to reduce her freedmen again to Slavery. Let America ponder the historic lesson. But even if we could settle these questions on paper, and make them lie still long enough to inaugurate the two Governments, and yet leave the original causes of the war not only undisposed of, but aggravated a thousand fold by this bitter struggle, both sides would burn with resentment and watch for provocations to renew the contest. Every mile of the thousands along the dividing line would be a point of contact to provoke collisions. The strife that crimsoned the Scotch and English border for centuries before their union, would be reenacted for leagues on either side of landmarks separating the North from the South. Two years would see us plunged into another sectional war, involving the same principles, breeding the same hates, inflicting the same evils, as that now raging. Principle and policy therefore teach that having become involved in the present struggle, the only sure way out is the way strait through: Compromise and separation , then being productive not of permanent peace but of perpetual strife rather, it only now remained for us to seek solid peace by prosecuting the war until we had compelled the insurgents to yield obedience to a Constitution and a code which they themselves had adopted, and their leaders had again and again sworn to support. Mr. S. after urging a vigorous, relentless prosecution of the war for this object, and pronouncing a warm eulogium upon the skill and valor of the army and navy, went on to inquire whether the government could succeed in this contest. It was an adage that in war the longest purse wins. England overthrew the greatest soldier the world ever saw because she could raise more money than France. While the rebel government was utterly bankrupt, we had hardly touched the edge of our financial resources.
When Mr. Chase loaned his first $50,000,000 in the summer of 1862, the London Times sneeringly said he had extorted i t from the fears of the New York bankers, but he would not be equally successful when he came for his next $50,000,000. Since then we had raised more than a thousand millions, and had not asked Europe to lend us a dime. Since Congress adjourned four months ago, the people had paid into the treasury one hundred and fifty millions for a single class of U. S. Stocks—the 5.20's? Our receipts from customs and the income tax would reach full two hundred millions annually. And despite these burdens, our people were never more prosperous than now. Look to the South. In Richmond Jeff. Davis' minions would give you $500 in Confederate money for $100 in Greenbacks. Lee's troopers in Pennsylvania spurned their own paper currency, and demanded ours. In Southern cities, exchange commanded a premium of a thousand per cent. The time approached when Confederate bonds would be on sale, not per pound sterling, as money, but per pound avoirdupois as waste paper. And in the production of all the articles needed to sustain a long war, the superiority of the North over the South was greater than in the item of money. In food and raiment, in manufactures and the products of the arts and sciences, in the necessaries, and particularly the luxuries of life, the inferiority of the South was pitiable. Her people were pinched with hunger; they were short of meat. They ate the little they got without salt. Gentlemen paid $80 for a pair of boots, while their sons went bare feet, and their daughters wore dresses which ere the war, they would hardly have tossed to their black waiting maids. Nor was Northern superiority less conspicuous in its, ability to supply armies and navies with munitions of war.—Our raw materials were as inexhaustible as our resources of money and materials. The enrollment would show nearly three millions of men in the loyal States capable of bearing arms. We could keep a million of white soldiers in the field without sensibly depleting society or crippling industry. Besides these, a third of a million of Negroes were ready to respond to our call when properly made. The black soldier was admirably adapted to this war. He knew the South,
was used to its barbarisms, was enured to its climate, his heart was in the cause, and Port Hudson, Milliken's Bend, and other bloody fields testified thas [sic] he could fight. Looking to the ominous future, he hoped to see a quarter 6f a million of black soldiers wearing the army blue. Slavery and the Rebellion should perish together, while the Union they sought to destroy
rose to immor­tal life. This Administration might not end the war. Disasters might overtake the good cause in the next presidential election. But, though some Vallandigham should sit in the executive chamber, with two hundred thousand, or even one hundred thousand negroes in arms, the proclamation would stand. Slavery would fall; the Republic would be saved. For, shoulders that had borne knapsacks in the tented field would never crouch to receive the lash of plantation overseers. Hands that had carried rifles in the battles-fray, would never submit to wear the manacles of masters. Men who had mounted the deadly breach amid the gleam of bayonets, the whistling of bullets, and the bursting of shells, would never thereafter debase their own manhood nor allow that of others to be debased merely for wearing a skin colored like their own. In fine, such were our resources in money materials and men, that we could sustain a debt heavier than that of England, and prosecute a war more vast than ever taxed energies of France. Nor should we despair of ultimate triumph because of our slow progress. We were crushing a conspiracy that had been maturing for a third of a Century, in half the states of the Union, under the auspices of men conspicuous for talents, daring, energy and determination. The nature of the contest produced obstacles in the path of success peculiar and almost unparalled [sic]. History abounded with illustrations of the two propositions, that civil convulsions are the fate of nations, and that conflicts between hostile races and irreconcilable principles are always sanguinary and protracted. The civil wars of the Stuarts embroiled England for half a century ere permanent peace was secured under William. Frederick of Prussia fought incessantly for ten years, against half of Europe, to maintain the integrity of his dominions. The French Revolution, ere it yielded to a stable Government, convulsed a whole continent for ten years. Our fathers struggled through a seven years' contest to lay the foundation of this Union. Within the recollection of children, England, France, Turkey and Sardinia, with all their immense military and naval resources, spent a whole year in reducing a small sea-port in the Black Sea. Our Republic could not hope to escape the common destiny of nations, nor this conflict the checkered fortune of great wars. It did not become us to repine, but to meet the exigency like wise and determined men. During his speech, of which the above is only an abstract. Mr. S. discussed many other points which we have not room even to mention. He concluded by saying that the rebels desired peace through a dismemberment of the Union. They scorned all other terms. We must not tolerate the idea of disunion for a moment. Our country could not be rent in twain and leave each half intact. Rather would it crumble into many fragments. Oppressed millions in foreign lands have looked with longing eyes towards the Great Republic of the West, whose brightness, shines afar over the seas. Its fall would appal [sic] all that is generous and liberal on the face of the globe. Personifying its overthrow in the death of the Polish Chief, it might then be said:—

"Hope for a season bade the world farewell.
And Freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell."

No! The Republic of Washington and Franklin, of Jackson and Webster, of Marshall and Story, of Dwight and Prescott, of Whitney and Fulton, so great in arms and arts, in law and literature, in statesmanship and science, the home of the rich, the heritage of the poor, the shadow of whose fame has filled the whole earth, shall not pass away. The cause of Representative Government and Constitutional Liberty is storm-beaten on a wild and dangerous sea. As the tempest-tossed mariner, when chart and compass fail him, steers his bark by the Polar Light, so we, in the dark and troubled night which is above us and around us and upon us, will guide our course by the fixed star of the National Unity.
At the conclusion Mr. Stanton was heartily applauded, when a dispatch announcing the success achieved by the Army of the Potomac, was read.
The Quartette followed in a beautiful song, "Why am I so Weak and Weary?" The solo passage by Miss Emily Mead was exquisitely performed, and rarely have we listened to a quartette whose voices harmonized as well, and who exhibited such taste and promptitude in execution.
The Rev. Mr. Newman was then introduced, who spoke as follows:—I am sure you will not expect a long speech from me at this hour. So long as such men as Stanton lives the Union will be preserved. Neither lawyers nor doctors have anything to do with spiritual matters, but ministers. Now, what has Providence done for us? Why was it that the general government ordered the coast survey of our Southern shore, but that our gunboats might safely travel up the bayous and rivers of the South? Why was the sewing machine invented just at this age but that a million garments might be furnished in a day for our armies? Truly the ends of the earth meet. My friend said he was for peace. I am for war. If any man comes into my house and insults my wife, I will make him feel the weight of this arm, and I will go to heaven as soon for doing it as for saying my prayers. There is a great riot at the South. I am for putting, it down. I am like the Quakeress and her nephew Thomas. "What art thee doing, Thomas, with that coat and hat?" "Why, aunt, I am going to the war, this is my dress." "Thee going to the war, Thomas—a good Friend." "Yes, aunt, I am going." "Well, Thomas, thee must not hurt anybody, but when you meet a rebel do thy duty." Do you think our fathers were such fools as to put the element of self-destruction in the foundation of the fabric they were forming? No. The Union was made to continue forever and forever. It must continue. We must take high ground on the question of rebellion. Rebellion is always wrong, either in heaven, on earth or in hell. What do copperheads do when a child re­bels? They put on the strap. So "Father Abra­ham" does. Always remember that rebellion is wrong—at morning, noon or night. Our fathers were not rebels—they had the sanction of God on their side. I declare to conservatives, one and all, that the time has come when the last son of Africa must be freed. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation should have been read to-day with the Declaration—the war will not end till we come to this. I felt proud when I saw a company of African recruits in Canal street pass by without insult, or hisses. God is proportioning our success in the field in proportion to our complying with this sentiment. The Army of the Potomac has been fighting only as it were on one side; Now both sides fight, and, I pray God, with abundant success.
Quartette, "Our Country's Flag," was then performed by Miss Mead and Russell, and Mr. Tier Eginton.
After a vote of thanks to the orator, singers, and chairman, the large assemblage dispersed, having enjoyed a rich feast of patriotism and music.
Subsequently, C. W. Goddard, Esq., entertained a number of guests at his residence in the vicinity.

The Celebration at Myrtle Avenue Park.
The picnic of the Young Men's Catholic Association on the 4th was very numerously attended. Several thousands of ladies and gentlemen were present, and enjoyments suitable to the day were indulged in with a hearty good will. The grounds were well adapted for the purpose. Shaded with lofty oaks, resembling our native American forests, with cool, shady woods and dells. Terrill's Band performed the music in a masterly manner. Some twenty-five pieces were performed. Professors Trenor and Rivers had charge of the dancing, assisted by an efficient committee. Youth and beauty went hand in hand, tripping on the light fantastic toe. Seldom have we seen so large a company together where such good order and good humor prevailed.
Mr. Edwin James, the English barrister, was the orator of the day. He commenced by taking a rapid survey of the country, referred to the debt of gratitude which was due to the men who framed the government and created the nation, and to our duty as citizens, who have so much reasons to be proud of their inheritance. Our prosperity had been interrupted by a rebellion, on the causes of which he would not stop to dilate. The nations of Europe were anxiously watching the struggle, some believing that republican institutions were on their trial, and hoping that they will fail, ardently desiring the separation of the Union forever. Never did patriotism respond to its country's call as did the loy­al States of the Union. On many a field our ar­mies have acquitted themselves honorably. There has been no great naval engagement; but the brave men who sunk in the Cumberland, and as the waves rolled over them kept their standard at the mast, and uttered their last convulsive cry for their country's glory, have achieved renown that will never die. (Loud applause.)
The orator next recounted the events of the past two years, contending that the want of success by the cause of the Union was owing to the incapability of the Government, by which he meant the administration, and particularly to the mismanagement of the War Department.
Our armies have been wasted by disease, their ranks thinned by unnecessary carnage, their courage paralyzed, and their honor sullied by the impotence of generals. Generals have been appointed and displaced by secret political influences. A cautious, prudent-like general was ordered to report himself at Trenton, and an empty, braggart, vain-glorious boaster took his place. (Cheers.)
The defeats at Fredericksburg, the retreat from Winchester, the alarm now felt for the safety of the capital, the panic at Pittsburg, the barricades in the streets at Baltimore, the invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania, the threatening of Harrisburg, are facts which will forever tarnish the history of this civil war. This national humiliation does not arise from the want of personal courage or power of endurance of our soldiers, but from the ignorance and the inflated vanity of many of their commanders—

Who never set a squadron on the field,
Nor the division of a battle know
More than a spinster."

have been intrusted [sic] with the destinies of this war, appointed and displaced, reappointed and replaced, in a manner which, but for the vast interests involved, would excite ridicule. Merit has been thrust aside, and the minions of faction and of party have crept into its place.
He then contrasted the Government of England with our own, and said that the Ministry of Great Britain would have been forced to resign and give place to new men. The subject of arbitrary arrests was discussed at length, and the Government denounced for the arrest of Vallandigham and others. He contended that the Confederacy could not be recognized without a complication that would lead to a war. This was not a revolution, but a rebellion, rank and unjustifiable. Upon this pretext, South Carolina drove the Union to the verge of a civil war; and she led the van of this Rebellion upon the pretext that the general conduct of the North and the laws of some of the
States obstructed the surrender of her fugitive slaves.
The manner in which Mr. Seward had met the question of recognition by foreign powers entitled him to the gratitude of the nation.
Mr. James said: We must appreciate the difficulties of this national crisis, and endeavor to rise to the level of the national emergency. "Do you believe that this great Republic, this national consolidation of States, can ever be restored?" is the question now upon every lip. A considerable party in this country, and many of deserved influence from their talents and their position, advocate "peace." I venture to differ from them. At this juncture, the demand for peace shall not come from the North, nor be canvassed, while one single rebel holds a sword within his grasp. "Lay down your arms," I would say to them, and I will be the very first to put an end to this internecine struggle." We were at peace—why are we not at peace now? The North has not waged the war for any purpose of aggression or conquest, but it has been forced upon us in self-defence. You, the South, had the Constitution and the laws, the Executive, the Congress, and the courts, much controlled by yourselves. You were dissatisfied with legal proceedings and constitutional remedies. You have grasped the sword, and brought the horrors and the guilt of this civil war upon the country. "You have aimed at  the destruction of a Government by which your interests have been protected and favored." You have severed the bonds of the Union, and concealed the compact which secured peace. "You fired upon the flag, the sacred shield of our nationality." You seized the national forts, and plundered the national arsenals. "You cried, 'Havoc, and let slip the dogs of war' on the loyal citizens of Western Virginia." You poured your armies into the peaceful valleys of Tennessee and Missouri. You have dissolved the dream of peace and happiness which slumbered over half the Western Hemisphere. You have caused the widows' tears, and the orphans' suppliant cry. "The cry for peace is to come from you, and you only." This is the language which, I think, should be addressed to armed rebellion.
An ignoble peace would be a national degradation! At this moment, with the invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania before us, it would be attributed to fear. That man is a true patriot who can devise some mode by which the struggle can be terminated; but the North must not, can not, sue for peace. Is it to be a war of subjugtion? The term is used by those who forget all the lessons of history. A war of subjugation of such a people, on such a territory, is beyond human effort. If Vicksburg is captured; and if the army of Lee were defeated and scattered into companies to-morrow, beyond all power of reorganization, a war of subjugation would be impossible.
More eloquent lips than mine have discoursed on these occasions, on the bright future and the glorious destinies of this country. We meet here in an hour "big with the fate" of a nation's hope. Is this grand Confederation to be annihilated and resolved into the original elements? Are the States, which now compose it, to return to their isolated condition, and new Unions to be formed out of its wreck? Is this mighty continent to be divided into petty republics, as Italy was in the Middle Ages? Is it to fall, as all republics have fallen, into anarchy and chaos by the corruptions, the ambitions, and the treachery of its own citizens? Athens thought herself immortal, but she lived to be insulted by the servile Ottoman. We are too young to die! Our republic may live when the monarchies of Europe shall be forgotten; but its life depends on the courage, the firmness, and the patriotism of its citizens. Are we to behold the broken and dishonored fragments of our once glorious Union, and see States dissevered, discordant and belligerent? It depends upon your devotion and your energy. Sacrifices have already been made; you must be prepared to make more.
This occasion demands from us the tribute of our gratitude to those brave men whose unyielding courage and ardent patriotism have upheld the prowess of the national arms. Let us assure our soldiers that their blood has not moistened the soil of Virginia in vain; and the cause for which they cheerfully died, shall suffer no dishonor at our hands. AEschines, in that remarkable speech against Ciesiphon—dear to the memory of every classic—postrophized those who had fallen for their country's liberty on the plains of Marathon and Plataet, and called from their graves the spirits of the illustrious Athenian dead. I invoke you by the same charm. Sink all differences—make party faction subservient to your country's honor. Let every youth before me be able to say, with the illustrious orator and patriot of Rome:

"Defendi rempublican adolescens."

And no prouder epitaph can adorn the tomb of the old than the words:
"Non desertam senex."
The history of a magnificent past is before you. Whilst wars have devastated every nation of Europe—while civil discord has torn and dismembered kingdoms—we have been at peace. Europe has been convulsed with revolutions—we have been pursuing peace, and have been blessed with unexampled prosperity. The rickety despotisms of Europe have been shaken to their foundations, and we have been unharmed; and, severe as the ordeal .... our country must pass, let every .... and every hope be:

"That she shall remain to all invulnerable,
Like a great sea-mark standing every flaw,
And saving those that eye her!"

Judge McCann followed briefly, when the festivities of the occasion were resumed by the large number present. The dancing was kept up till a late hour.

There was less than the usual display of firecrackers, firing of guns, pistols, &c., in the 16th ward. Early in the morning societies and other parties proceeded in carriages and on foot to the neighboring woods, taking with them numerous of those little kegs, which contained that peculiar beverage, to which the German stomach especially is accustomed. The "Liedertafel," accompanied by their wives, children and friends, made a trip in numerous carriages to Strattonport, where they joined in the festival, managed by the College Point Turaverein. Several societies of New York were also there with bands of music and made the entertainment, which took place in the beautiful grove on the Flushing bay, a glorious one. They all returned at a late hour, decorated with green leaves and boughs, fully satisfied with the style in which they spent the fourth.
The "Concordia," another singing society, proceeded in a similar manner to the grove of Mr. L. Walter, on the Flushing road, where they had, as we are assured, a fine time. They also returned late, in the best humor.
The garden of the Turner's Hall, in Meserole street, was throughput the day crowded with German visitors, of whom many were New Yorkers. An excellent Band was present, who played national airs of America and these of the Fatherland in an artistical and admirable manner. In the evening the Saengerbund, in fall force, poured in, when the scene became very lively. Splendid singing was given by this favorite Society, of which we may only refer to the well executed songs of "Der Wal," by Haeser, and a pot pourri, which were loudly applauded.

In this district but few incidents occurred, and none of them of a very serious nature. A lad named Depuy, residing South 1st street, was injured in the left fore finger and was cared for by Dr. Hanford.
Wm. Daily, a lad of 13 years, residing at No. 13 1/2 North Fourth street, lost the fore finger of his right hand by the premature discharge of a pistol.
John Johnson, aged six years, was shot through the right arm by a young man named Joseph Duffy. He was taken to his residence in North Second street.
A little Miss in Fifth street had her dress nearly burned before the flames could be subdued. A lad accidentally threw an ignited pack of firecrackers in her lap as she was seated in front of the residence of her father.
A boy, Reichardt, living at 69 Montrose avenue shot himself accidentally with a pistol through the left hand. He was taken to Dr. Rappold, who pronounced two of the fingers as in a serious condition.
Another boy was hurt on one of his eyes by a fire cracker.
Nearly all of these cases are to be attributed to the imperfection of cheap pistols and juvenile indiscretion.
Charles Marshall, of Fifth street, was severely burned by a premature discharge of powder. Lawrence Carroll, of No. 28 North 5th street, was hurt in the hand.
As the spectators were leaving the Union grounds, the rush was dense and very great, and children were borne along in the human tide without any power to resist. In ascending the steps leading up to the street, a small child fell and would have been severely injured but for Mr. Wm. T. White, who stopped the progress of the crowd until it was picked up.
Some mischievous boys set fire to the liberty-pole at the corner of South 2d and Fourth street, early in the morning. Mr. Gardiner Harding in passing by discovered and extinguished the flames.
A son of Capt. Frazer, of the 5th N. Y. Cavalry, residing in Wilson street, was badly burned while firing his little cannon.

The national salute from foot of North 2d st. was promptly given from the mouth of "Old Sal," our old friend, and the Clam Bake under the Superintendence of Capt. Geo. C. Whaley was indeed refreshing, in these times of French Pastries, Bon Bans and nonsense of that sort. Good solid, substantial bivalves dissappeared [sic] suddenly and in large quantities. The Association had a good time generally and we hope will live to enjoy many "sich" pleasant dinners. After the salute at noon the party adjourned to the residence of Ex-Alderman Harris Comstock, 39 North Third street, and partook of a collation prepared by Mrs. Comstock and daughter, who were  determined not to be outdone by the males.

The fireworks at the Union Ball Grounds in the evening were truly magnificent. They were furnished by J. W. Hadfield of East Williamsburgh [sic], and the gratifaction expressed by the immense throng who were present, and enjoyed the sight was certainly highly complimentary to the rare skill of that gentleman. The display commenced with rockets and shells, then came the Passion Flower, a large vertical wheel which constantly changed its color, surrounded by a sun of silver fire terminating in a grand feu de joie, Saturn and his satellites [sic], a brilliant sun of Maltese
fire, imitating Saturn and his satellites [sic], produced a fine effect. The Gallopade of Serpents came next, a very snaky piece. The star of America, opened with a sun of varigated fires of crimson, green and purple, revolving round the motto, "Star of America," ending with a maroon battery. This piece produced immense cheering, and was certainly very fine. A grand Mosaic battery came next, then the Kaleidoscope, Flowering Aloe, a Saxon Cross. But the concluding piece, commencing with a Rainbow shell, which changed to the device, "Our Union now and forever crowned by the genius of America, with fountains on each side throwing out streams of liquid fire, produced a magnificent effect, and the delighted crowd dispersed to their homes, not less pleased with the music than the fine display of fireworks.
The display was witnessed by about 40,000 people. Mr. W. H. Cammeyer will accept our thanks for courtesy extended.

About 12 o'clock, Saturday night, the frame dwelling belonging to Mr. Meakim, situated in the rear of Mr. Cooper's Glue Factory, Bushwick, was burnt to the ground. The fire is supposed to be the work of an incendiary. Loss about 600. No insurance. On the return of the fire companies from the fire Engine Companies Nos. 4 and 7 came together on the corner of North 2d and Smith sts. Stones and other missiles were freely used, and seven persons were seriously injured. The apparatus of No. 7 was upset and broken. We presume the city will magnanimously pay for the repairs, as they did in the case of Engine 13 without investigating the matter which repairs cost about $70. This upsetting business has come to be a common occurrance [sic] and one that needs the severest punishment. Another.—A chimney took fire in the rear of building No. 34 Montrose avenue. The alarm was soon given, which brought the fire Companies out promptly, but before they arrived, the fire was extinguished. Damage trifling.

The Union League of East New York, of which J. R. Reid, Esq., is the President, commemorated the day at Central Hall, by the reading of the Declaration of Independance [sic] and an oration. In the absence of the President, Samuel Wagenar, Sr., Esq,, was called to the chair. The ladies and gentlemen present having constituted themselves a choir, sang with considerable animation a most patriotic song. Charles R. Miller, Esq., offered the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
Whereas, We have every reason to believe that the great rebellion in the Southern States of the Union was plotted with the connivance and promised assistance of the privileged governing classes of Europe, and that it is a joint conspiracy between European and American influence to destroy our national unity, and subvert free government in the South! therefore
Resolved, That it behooves the American people to be on the alert in their efficient preparations for war, that the danger of intervention through force, on the part of the European allies of Southern treason, will be quite sure to manifest itself as the Southern cause grows helpless; that we admonish our countrymen to stand firm, and waver not, and blanch not, though beset by all the conspirators against free government that the world can produce.
Resolved, That we hereby renew the same identical issue which our fathers made between republican, and aristocratic governments through a privileged class, eighty-seven years ago to-day, and that we herewith adopt the address of the Democratic League (published in the Tribune,) as the proper statement of that issue.
Mr. Overwrocher, of Brooklyn, advocated these resolutions in a series of spirited remarks.
Charles B. Miller, Esq., read the Declaration of Independence.
The Chairman then introduced the Hon. Mr. Sherwood, of Texas, who remarked:—
That it afforded him great pleasure to present himself. That just eighty-seven years age the platform of free speech and a free government was laid in America, and that never until within the past three years was the stability of its foundations ever controverted. That this government for the benefit of the many was, because of its beneficent provisions, esteemed as durable and eternal as were the principles of right and justice upon which it was based. That rebellion, unprecedented in its enormity and magnitude, had reared its hydra head to malign and destroy it. That it had stood the fearful shock and demonstrated, maugre the prognostications of English statesmen, that it was the strongest government on earth. It still lives and is destined to live whilst monarchies and every other form of government shall be subverted and overturned. He came from the South and was therefore familiar with the origin, motives and purposes of this rebellion. It originated in the conspiracy to preserve intact four millions of slaves, that they and their increase might be held in perpetual bondage. How was that to be effected? Slaveholders saw and knew that based as our government was upon the majority principle, that twenty seven millions of Northern freemen who were fighting for free labor must sooner or later obtain such a sway as to model our institutions, to this righteous principle, and to obviate this they inaugurated the rebellion to withstand the inevitable result. They saw that with the increase of white population slavery must be crowded out, as the free material of which it was constituted was not to be circumscribed. The rights of free labor would be vindicated, no guarantees could be given to slaveholders, and they reasoned out philosophically the problem. The only security for the peculiar institution was outside the Union, and hence the atrocious and unparalled efforts to dissever and dismember it.
These distinctive views were elaborated with great earnestness by Mr. Sherwood, and were generally well received by the audience. Want of space precludes a more extended summary of this oration.

Doings in the Western District.
At an early hour our neighboring district was alive. A national salute was fired from Fort Green, by Adjutant McAleer, of the 70th Regiment, while the bells rang out a merry peal.
The City Hall was very tastefully decorated with flags of all descriptions. Besides the national, State, and city flags, there were ensigns of other nations, together with innumerable miniature flags stretched from the cupola to the corner of the Hall, giving it a gala appearance. All the public and many private buildings displayed flags of various sizes. The shipping along the wharves was quite handsomely decorated, as were also the ferry boats plying between New York and Brooklyn. The vessels lying in the Navy Yard displayed all their flags and streamers, and the old receiving-ship North Carolina was almost literally covered with bunting.

But few accidents from the use of firearms and fireworks have been reported, and they are all of a very trival [sic] character, not worth especial mention.
The members of Niagara Hose Company No, 11 brought home their new carriage in the afternoon from the makers in New York. Headed by a band of music, they paraded the streets, in a creditable display. They afterwards entertained their friends at their carriage house, and spent the evening very pleasantly.
An alarm of fire occurred about four o'clock which proceeded from a slight fire at the foot of Bridge street. No particular damage was done. While running in response to the alarm, John Cochrans, a member of Hose Co. No. 8, was run over by the carriage, and badly injured.
The display of fireworks in the evening was not the most extensive, as the Common Council were limited in their expenditures, and consequently could not get up a very extravagant display. What there was, however, was good. One display took place on Fort Greene, and the other on the Union Ball Ground, both of which attracted a very large gathering.
The crowd were highly gratified by the display and frequently gave vent to their admiration by exclamations of, "Oh, how beautiful!" applause, etc. The fireworks were furnished by Mr. J. W. Hadfield, namely, 1. Mechanical Globe. 2. Jewelled Cross. 3. Zanard Peruvia. 4. Peruvian Sun. 5. Weeping Willow. 6. Chaplet of Flora. 7. Kaleidescope. 8. Union Rosette. 9. American Star. 10. Revolving Sun. 11. Saxon Cross. 12. Gallopade of Serpents. 13. Was a splendid combination piece, called the "temple of the Union," composed of lance and scroll work in varied colors. The centre of the piece presented a temple inscribed with the words "Union now and forever." In the arch was an American shield surmounted by an eagle. The whole concluded with a cascade of sun fires, showers of rockets, and a blaze of colored fires covering a breadth of 200 feet, the effect being beautiful beyond description.
St. Ann's Sabbath School went out on a pic-nic to Lefferts' Park, where there was singing, speaking, music, etc.

One of the principal features of the celebration yesterday was the oration at the Academy of Music in the morning, under the auspices of the Long Island Historical Society, which, though only organized a few short months since, is one of the many flourishing institutions of the city. The attendance was rather limited, not more than six hundred persons being present.
At 11 A. M. the members and invited guests assembled at the rooms of the Society, in the Hamilton Buildings, corner of Court and Joralemon streets; where the presentation of several valuable old maps was made to the Society by Dr. Vandemire, of New York. After which those assembled marched around, headed by the band of the North Carolina, to the Academy of Music, where they were accommodated with seats on the stage.
The Stars and Stripes was suspended from the proscenium, which was the only decoration made.
The proceedings were commenced at 12, M., by the band, which played a national air, when a fervent prayer was offered by Rev. Dr. F. A. Farley,  who officiated in the place of' Rev. Dr. E. S. Porter, who had been called of to the seat of war.
The Declaration of Independence was then very ably read by Mr. John W. Carrington, after which Mr. John Winslow, Corresponding Secretary of the Society, appeared and read letters from the following gentlemen: Mayor Opdyke, Governor Parker, of New Jersey, Hon. Chas. Sumner, Hon. H. Barney, Hon. W. H. Seward, and others, all of whom expressed regret at not being able to attend the celebration.

Then was. introduced the orator of the day, Grenville T. Jenks, Esq., who proceeded to make a scholastic and eloquent address, which was received with the greatest enthusiasm.
Mr. Jenks, in the course of his address, said:—We are fighting not only for ourselves but for generations to come; too long have we had a phalanx on one side and a debating society on the other. Since the Southern attack on Fort Sumter we had been pursuing a vacillating policy, nor were we united in battle as we should be. The people had been deceived; they had now learned what the politicians—they who affiliated with the Southern statesmen for years, and who ought to have better known their motives—had failed to teach them. We saw it was no event of sixty days, as we had been told it would be. In the meantime, our flag had been well nigh swept down by the tide of life. The people had done their whole duty. But we had pursued a wrong policy. We had been vigorous where we ought to have been lenient; generals have been displaced too often. Franklin, the ablest of them all, being now off duty; arresting a cow and allowing a wolf to roam at large; being invaded when we should be invading. But, still we go on. All lanes had a turning; he believed we had gotten through Longstreet. He then spoke of the folly of political meetings indorsing such and such a thing, and stated that Lee's cavalry, and Lincoln's letter had set the platform dancing under certain ex-Judge's feet; eulogized President Lincoln and thought him the man of the people. This is not the time for squeamish discussions, we were in the third year of war; there is no necessity for a fourth year. The country called for help; shall her sons stay the hand of the black man raised in its defence? If they did, it would be a lasting stigma upon them. We must cast away our prejudices: we must change the face of dough for the face of bronze; honest men for dishonest; imbecile generals for good soldiers; then we should succeed. Our cannon will chant down the national slavery, and our former prosperity would be restored. The orator resumed his seat amid great applause.
First Vice President Greenwood, who presided, then stated that a telegram had been received from Mr. Sandford, President of the American Telegraph Company, containing the intelligence that Gen. Meade had won a glorious victory, and had taken 3,000 prisoners, which was received with the most indescribable enthusiasm. A benediction was then pronounced by Rev. Dr. R. O. Currie. after which the audience was dismissed.

Two dramatic entertainments—afternoon and evening—were given at the Academy of Music by a comp any including several of the prominent artists from Wallack's Theatre, and Miss Emily Thorne. In the afternoon Black Eyed Susan, with Mr. Charles Fisher as William. Miss Emily Thorne appeared in an interlude as the "Goddess of Liberty," and sang the patriotic song, "Shout for our Glorious Banner." In the evening Miss Henriques appeared in "The Little Treasure," with George Holland, Mr. Floyd and others. The house was well filled in the afternoon and crowded in the evening.

Everything passed off quietly in the 17th ward. No arrests were made by the police, nor were t here any accidents of any kind. A national salute of 35 guns was fired at sunrise, noon and sunset by the 45th Precinct .... The Baptist congregation held ..... during the day and evening in Mes... Grove, for the benefit of the church. In the evening fireworks were exhibited on the hill in front of the Station House.

The City and Vicinity.
Celebration of the Capture of Vicksburg.
The glorious news from Vicksburg caused an impromptu celebration by the Union loving citizens of this city last evening. An assemblage was procured, upon a half-hour's notice, and a display of fireworks was had at Union League Hall No. 1, upon the east side of the river. Several thousand assembled, and formed in line in front of the Hall. The crowd were addressed from the balcony of Palmer's Hall by Hon. John C. Chumasero. His remarks were enthusiastic, patriotic and well-timed. He bore hard upon Northern traitors, and his sentiments were received with frequent cheers from the whole crowd. He then stated that a procession was to march through the streets, and invited all to join. The procession was headed by Newman's Band, and marched through Main street in double file, while a magnificent pyrotechnic display was caused by the firing of thousands of roman candles. The sight, as witnessed by people in the streets, is said to have been grand in the extreme.

The Brooklyn Daily Times.
THE latest information by Telegraph, together with local incidents, will be found on the fourth page, Third Edition, issued at 4 1/2 o'clock P. M. Local Items.
The People of the Surrender of Vicksburg.—Last night was the occasion of inaugurating a new era in Williamsburgh [sic]. Loyal men and women were exultant, and copperheads grew into the same feeling with surprising speed.—Many of them who had professed but little faith in the news from the gallant Army of the Potomac, because they "knew that Lee was not going to be fooled in that way," found that with the surrender of Vicksburg, the thing was being piled so high that they would be so low in a short time as not to be within sight of decent people. Hence they concluded to rejoice that victory had crowned the efforts of our armies, "because we were so much nearer the time of Peace." Some Copperheads were very much disgusted with the heads were very much disgusted with the particularly jubilant conduct of some colored men and women in the upper part of the "Burgh, who insisted in the most vociferous tones, that "John Brown's Soul is marching on," and who gave lusty cheers for the hero of Vicksburg, calling him "Old Grant." A critical "copperhead" told one of the party that if he spoke of a General in the U. S. Army in that contemptuous manner again, he would knock him down. To add to the provocation the negroes brought out miniature flags, which they waved in triumphant derision of the small party of rebel sympathizers.
"Is the news from Vicksburg true?" was the question be all who had not seen the papers. The answer to this was the production of the Times, with Admiral Porter's Official dispatch. Then the word went from mouth to month as fast as by magnetic telegraph, and the "Burgh was soon in a blaze of excitement. Pistols, guns and cannons were fired by those who had them, and flags were put in order to be raised this morning. There was a spontaneous disposition to sit up all night to watch for daylight so that every body might be first to salute the heavens with the "Flag of the Free," in gratitude for the breaking of the back of the rebellion, and the sudden decease of copperheadism. Such was the effect in the immediate neighborhood. At Greenpoint, the citizens, we are informed, turned out en masse to talk over the victory of "Unconditional Surrender Grant." They fired one hundred guns on the hill in front of the Station-House, then when darkness came they lighted bonfires in the principal thoroughfares. Next they made a "decent" assault upon the dealers of pyrotechnics, and a second Fourth of July was put in operation. Rockets were set off, pin-wheels of every size and description were whirled, Roman candles were lighted, fire-crackers exploded, and small arms were kept going till long after the corpse of the great Copperhead spirit had been laid out, and otherwise disposed of. The air was rent with cheers for the Army and Navy, for our victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, and for the President of the United States. "Jeff" had no friends, and he got some hard knocks.
"Old Sal" was brought into useful exercise at the foot of North Second street, where the boys fired her one hundred times in honor of the surrender of Vicksburg.
To-day our city is a happy scene. From every flag staff waves the Stars and Stripes with a new glory, giving to all who behold the scene a new inspiration, and an increased confidence in the power of a great people to protect and preserve a great nation. Long may they wave!
As far as the eye can reach, up and down the harbor, the shipping is bedecked with the Flag of our Union. Here and there the British flag is waving also, and about the time we write, the glorious news of "The Rebels Whipped at GETTYSBURG," AND "THE UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG" is waving down the bay on its way to Europe, to cheer hundreds of Loyal American hearts there, and to make Rebels who are there plotting against our Government, stand aghast, and ask for a country—a new country, of course. So marcheth Freedom.

ANOTHER CELEBRATION AT EAST NEW YORK.—The citizens of East new York propose to recelebrate the 4th of July, in token of their appreciation of our recent victories, to-night. They are to have a grand illumination, fireworks, and a public meeting at Central Building, where there will be patriotic singing, and speeches by the Hon. Wm. Wall, Alderman Strong, Hon. Lorenzo Sherwood, Rev. Mr. Powell, and others. This will be a brilliant affair.

Mass Meeting at the Academy of Music.
Denunciation of the Emancipation Proclamation,
Arbitrary Arrests, and the Suppression of the Press.
The Democracy Pledged to the Union and the Constitution Against
All Enemies,
Speeches of Mayor Kalbfleisch, Hon. Amasa J.
Parker, Alonzo C. Paige, and Others.
A mass meeting was held at the Academy of Music in Brooklyn, last evening, under the auspices of the Kings County Democratic Club. By the terms of the call, it was to be a meeting of "all conservative citizens in favor of the Union, the Constitution and the laws, and opposed to all usurpations of arbitrary power, but either on account of the rain, or because the people of Brooklyn are not so fully alive to the dangers which threaten their liberties as the Kings County Democratic Club, there was not so full an attendance as might have reasonably been expected. The house was a little more than two-thirds full. About 8 1/2 o'clock the Mayor, accompanied by Hon. AMASA J. PARKER, made his appearance on the stage, and was received with applause. Capt. RYNDERS entered about the same time, and was greeted by a portion of the audience with much more noisy, if not quite so unanimous demonstrations of welcome. The meeting was immediately thereafter called to order by ANDREW R. CULVER, President of the Kings County Democratic Club, who nominated for Chairman MARTIN KALBFLEISCH, Mayor of the City. The nomination was unanimously indorsed, and Mayor KALBFLEISCH returned the compliment in the following speech:

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BROOKLYN: Some one here called for three cheers for GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, which were given. For the honor you have tendered me allow me to return my sincere thanks. I rejoice to see so large an assemblage of people here to-night. It shows that people have come to know that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." A crisis exists in the affairs of the nation that makes it the duty of all to look into its causes and to freely discuss the acts of our servants who now administer the Government. [Applause.] The right to do so is undeniable, and to be deprived of it would make us worse than slaves. The Democratic party has always been jealous of these rights. It behooves us to guard these privileges, and to protest against arbitrary use of power by the Government, ["Bully for you."] The Constitution makes ample provisions for the trial and punishment of all violators of its laws. The suspension of the habeas corpus would imperil the crowned head of any European monarch. [Applause.] We ask of ABRAHAM LINCOLN, [groans for LINCOLN,] elected as Chief Magistrate under the provisions of the Constitution, but not by a majority of the people, not to ignore, but to uphold that Constitution which made him President of the United States. If was under the promise of free speech and a free press that the people placed him there. How well that promise has been kept, let suppressed newspapers, and the hundreds of persons arrested and sent to Fort Lafayette for freedom of speech, answer. [Applause.] The Democratic party has no sympathy with Secessionists [faint applause] nor have they with Abolitionists. [Great applause,] They are in favor of the Union. [A man in the audience here called for three cheers for "Valligordom" which most of the audience, including the speaker, mistook for "Niggordom," which caused considerable disturbance, some cheering, some hissing, and not a few crying "put him out."] The speaker resumed: If the gentleman has anything to say let him say it in a mannerly way. [Applause.] If the gentleman had rather embrace a nigger baby than a white one, let him say so. [Tremendous applause.] (A gentleman on the stage here arose, and suggested to the speaker that the audience had mistaken the man who called for cheers for "Valligordom;" that he meant Vallandigham, and he proposed that the audience now give their cheers for that individual. The cheers were given, and quiet was again restored.) The Mayor then resumed his remarks, and. said that the war in which we were now engaged should be brought to an issue; it should be terminated. If the war was for restoring the Union, the Government would have the support of every Democrat in the country, and he hoped the party now administering the Government would become convinced of the necessity of presenting an unbroken front to the enemy. Let them show to the country that the war was waged to restore the Union, and it would not be long before the Stars and Stripes would again wave over every inch of territory in the country. [Prolonged applause,]
A long list of Vice-Presidents and Secretaries of the meeting was then read and indorsed, after which the following series of resolutions was read and adopted:
Whereas, The nation is in peril, as well from the assaults of rebellion as from the failure of professed loyalty to sustain the principles of American liberty; and
Whereas, This peril is imminent, calling for the voice and the arm of every patriot to save, not only the Union and Constitution, but the very principles of freedom on which they were founded; therefore we, the Democracy of Kings County, with our friends and fellow-citizens do declare:
Resolved, 1. We are for the Union and the Constitution against all enemies. [Applause.]
2. We believe the Union and Constitution to be founded upon and for the defence of the freedom of the person and of the Press, and we pledge ourselves to defend the principles of the liberty of the American citizen, according to the Constitution, against every encroachment and attack.
3. We deny the heresy that the Administration is the Government, holding, on the contrary, that the Government is the will of the people expressed in the Constitution of the United States and of the several States. [Applause.] That all laws, in accordance with that expressed will, command our obedience and respect, but that the order, decree or proclamation of any individual, without authority of that expressed will of the people, is entitled neither to our obedience or respect, because we are a self-governing people, and by permitting such assumption of power we cease to govern ourselves, and become the subjects of an arbitrary despotism.[Applause.]
4. That in our opinion the Proclamation of freedom to slaves by the President of the United States, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the arbitrary arrest and incarceration of citizens, the suspension of several newspapers and the denial of mail transmission to others, the military arrest, trial by court-martial, and banishment from his State of CLEMENT L. VALLANDIGHAM--[cheers for Vallandigham]--and all similar acts, are direct violations of the Constitution of the United States, and are without authority or justification, having no validity except such as they derive from the temporary support of military force without law. [Applause.]
Resolved, That the letter of his Excellency, Gov. Seymour, to the Albany meeting, called to assert the right of free speech, free Press, and individual liberty, has our full indorsement [sic]; that we recognize in his manly protest against the exercise of usurped and arbitrary power, the spirit of a patriot and statesman. [Tremendous cheers.]
Resolved, That the people have thus far submitted to the illegal acts of the Administration, not because they are ignorant of their rights, nor because they are indifferent to the inestimable blessings of liberty, nor because they are wanting in courage to resist the aggressions of lawless power, but because they have patiently hoped that the President and his advisers would desist from their violations of the Constitution in time to save themselves and the country from the consequences to which such acts inevitably lead. [Cheers.]
Resolved, That the State of New-York will adhere to the Constitution and the Union as the best, it may be the last hope of popular freedom, and for all wrongs which may have been committed or evils which may exist will seek redress, under the Constitution and within the Union, by the peaceful but powerful agency of the suffrage of a free people.
Resolved, That the laws of the state must be, maintained and enforced, and that it is the duty of the constituted authorities of the State to see to it that by all constitutional means this indispensable end shall be attained.
Resolved, That we renew our declaration of attachment to the Union, pledging to its friends, wherever found, our unwavering support, and to its enemies, in whatever guise, our undying hostility, and that, God willing, we will stand by the Constitution and laws of our country, and under their sacred shield will maintain and defend our liberty and rights, "peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must." [Great cheering.]

Hon. Amasa J. Parker was then introduced, and was received with loud cheers. He commenced by saying that this vast assemblage, worthy in intelligence and numbers of the great question it had come here to consider, attested the dignity of the occasion and the attachment of the people to the principles of free speech and free Press. So vast an assemblage could not have been brought together without an important cause. A blow had recently been struck at the dearest rights of the people, at the freedom of the press, the liberty of speech and the personal rights of the citizen--a blow which called for the energetic efforts of every lover of his country and of freedom to stay the further exercise of such arbitrary and unconstitutional acts. The feelings of the whole Northern States had been aroused, and they have risen up almost as one man to resist such encroachments upon their rights. The recent arrest of VALLANDIGHAM, [cheers,] under the dictates of a gross military tyrant, [groans for BURNSIDE,] by proceedings unknown to law, and his sentence by an unauthorized Court, have so aroused the feelings of the people that they must find expression. So gross was the outrage, that even leading Republican Presses have been obliged to denounce it, and to admit that the tribunal which professed to try him had no jurisdiction over his case. So, strong has the dissent been, that we have reason to suppose that the Administration would have felt obliged to abrogate the unjust sentence and set the persecuted man free. But the President proceeds, of his own arbitrary will, to change the sentence to banishment to the Confederate States, an outrage as great, even as that of the officer who arrested him. Where in the Constitution do you find the power to send a man into banishment, and especially when a different judgment has been pronounced by the tribunal before which he was brought? This banishment is an insult to every free man of the North. [Applause.] It was intended as the grossest insult to the victim, but it equally assails the dignity and the right of every citizen. He rejoiced that Mr. VALLANDIGHAM had borne it with such fortitude, and proceeded to read that gentleman's letter from his place of confinement to the Democracy of Ohio, applauding it as worthy of a man suffering on behalf of liberty of speech. He had not come to discuss whether VALLANDIGHAM'S peculiar views were right or wrong. Democrats may and do differ among themselves on that question. It is to protest against the outrage to his person, and the assault on his individual rights as a freeman and a citizen. No one had a right to doubt Vallandigham's patriotism. He had merely been convinced that the rebellion could be ended in a peaceable manner, [applause.] and the Union be still preserved. He was a worthy, law-abiding Union man, and though he might differ as to the mode of subduing rebellion, he agreed with all of us in the necessity for the restoration of the Union, and with all of us in the duty of resisting the encroachments of the Government upon individual rights of opinion and speech. The speaker would not counsel resistance by force, if that could be avoided, but by meeting ad they did that night to discuss and protest against the unlawful acts of the Administration. No man could read the record of that Court-martial and find that the accused did anything more than discuss freely, as he had a right to do, the conduct of the Administration. The men at Washington are the servants of the people, and they have a right to call them to account, and when the time comes to turn them out to give place to better men. [Applause.] It is well for the people to gather together by hundreds and thousands to remind the Administration of their mistakes, and to call their attention to that Constitution which they had taken their oaths to support, oaths which every one of them had violated. He had yet to learn that the purpose to see that the Constitution and the laws are respected was treason. VALLANDIGHAM was a worthy and good man who had no other wish. [A man in the audience here expressed dissent from this opinion, and there was loud uproar for several minutes, and cries of "Put him out" prevented the speaker's being heard. Order being restored Mr. PARKER continued.] A State Convention met that day in Ohio for the purpose of nominating a Governor. He had received a letter requesting him to be present, or, if not able, to write a letter. He received the letter in time only to telegraph to Mr. Cox [cheers] that he hoped they would vindicate the Constitution by making Mr. VALLANDIGHAM Governor of Ohio. [Loud and continued
applause.] He was that moment informed that the bulletin announced that he was nominated. [Cheers for VALLANDIGHAM.] He hoped it was true, and should think Ohio unworthy of the Government given us by our fathers, if she does not elect him. He hoped the people of that State would go up to the ballot-box, forgetting all differences of opinion with Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM—all else except the personal liberty in him endangered, and cast their votes for him. He proceeded to cite from English history examples where assaults upon the personal rights of individuals had led to the public advancement of those thus wronged, they being held as the representatives of human rights, VALAMDIGHAM'S case was but one of a thousand which had occurred during the last two years. Our forts erected for defence against foreign aggression, had been desecrated and turned into bastiles. He here enumerated the cases of individuals who had been summarily arrested and imprisoned in Forts Lafayette and Warren, and said that things so continued until the Convention which nominated Gov. SEYMOUR assembled, and denounced these arrests as a crime against personal freedom, and the question, then freely discussed before the people for the first time, was settled by their voice. Such was the voice of the people of New-York and the people of New-Jersey. (Cheers for Jersey.) Gov. SEYMOUR is bound to carry out that sentiment so expressed, and to exert the whole power of the State in its defence. He wished to be understood as standing there as the representative of the Constitution, to condemn the infractions of the Administration upon it, but not as recommending forcible resistance, but that most effective of all means, the ballot-box. [The ringing of the fire bells here drew off a considerable number of the audience, and the speaker was interrupted for a few minutes.] If it is true, as it doubtless is, that the South are engaged in an unjust rebellion against the Constitution, it is also true that the men in power are equally rebelling against that Constitution, and we stand to defend that instrument, and to respectfully and forcibly protest against their violation of it. When the French Bastile had been destroyed by the oppressed people. Lafayette had secured the key to that prison, and had sent it to WASHINGTON, to be kept as a memorial of the fall of a European despotism. What would Lafayette have thought, had he known that, in after years, a fort bearing his own name, was to become an American Bastile? He proceeded to say that these arbitrary arrests had been made in States where the people were loyal; States removed from the scene of strife, and unanimous in opposition to the rebellion. He meant to stand by the Administration in all constitutional acts, but to oppose them in all that infringed upon the Constitution, and to ask them to repeal such acts and return to a policy that promised to bring the war to an end, a policy just to the South as to the North, a policy to recall to the head of the army that gallant man McClellan. [Cheers.] He respected a soldier who respected the Constitution, and none other. He wanted a general who thus respected the Constitution at the head of the army. He continued at some length to demonstrate his proposition that a worse than Asiatic despotism had been established on this continent, citing certain acts of Congress and of the President in proof, and concluded by urging that every officer of the Government, civil and military, should be held to strict obedience to the Constitution.

Hon. Alonzo C. PAIGE was next introduced, and proceeded to read a long manuscript speech, devoted to the discussion of the legality of VALLANDIGHAM'S arrest, conviction, sentence and subsequent banishment, and the general subject of the power of courts-martial and the occasions which justified them. He contended that English and American precedent allowed the establishment of martial law only in districts actually in rebellion, and there only when absolutely essential to the safety of the country, and that Congress alone had the power to suspend the writ of habeas, corpus, a power which it could not delegate to the President. He denied the necessity for the declaration of martial law in Ohio, and its legality, and held that the choicest rights of the people had been placed in jeopardy, and that there was a loud call upon the people of the North to withstand such aggressions upon their freedom. The arrest of Mr. VALLANDIGHAM was a high offence, which demands reparation. If any are treasonable at the North, it is those who have set aside the Constitution, who have made the war policy not the policy of the Constitution but the subversion of it and the policy of abolition. The Democratic Conservatives of the North hold in their hands the Constitution, and it is theirs to protect and sustain it against encroachments.
In response to loud calls for Richard O'Gorman and others, it was stated that they had been unable to attend, but that letters had been received from them which would be published. Long before the close of Judge PAIGE'S speech, the house had nearly emptied, but Mr. B. SLOSSON spoke for a few moments to the retiring audience, and the meeting broke up at a late hour.

A stand had been erected for speakers outside the Academy of Music, in Montague-street but owing to the rain the attendance was small—most of the audience preferring the inside, where fortunately there was no difficulty in finding a seat. An organization was, however, effected at the outside stand, by the appointment of CORNELIUS J. SPRAGUE as President, who briefly acknowledged the compliment, and was followed by Edward Driggs, David A. Sutton, Edwin O. Perrin and E. T. Wood. The resolutions (same as inside) were read by Mr. Newman, and re­ceived the hearty approval of the audience.

Fred. Douglass at the Church of the Puritans.
Last evening Fred. Douglass made a speech on his usual topic at the Church of the Puritans. The house was well filled with a mixed audience of whites and blacks, the whites predominating. After prayer by Rev. Dr. Cheever the speaker proceeded to say that the negro is the pivot of national distinction. His cause met us before and during the war, and it will after the war, unless it is settled on the solid basis of equality. (Slight applause.) He demanded for the negro the most perfect civil and political equality, and that he shall enjoy all the rights, privileges, and immunities of any other of the American body politic. (Faint applause.) Destroy the negro and you destroy the nation, and to save both we must have one great law of equality. (Renewed applause.) The negro will never have peace until he is taken into the body politic. He predicted that the American people will soon be eager to receive negroes as citizens. Is the body politic too fastidious, too pure, to receive such? (Laughter.) He once had high ideas of the body politic, but a day's experience at the polls had induced some doubts, and as he learned and saw more and more, the body politic suffered. (Great laughter.) By and By we shall all march side by side, and there is no need of fearing that the blacks will all go to one end and tip over, for they are a people given to division. If there are only six colored persons in a village there will be three colored churches of different persuations [sic]. (Laughter.) Americans are beginning to appreciate the black man. The day that witnessed the march down Broadway of the Fifty-fourth Colored Regiment from Massachusetts, timing their high footsteps to the grand old hymn of "John Brown," will be the proudest that the colored people of this state ever saw.

AN AFFECTING INCIDENT IN PLYMOUTH CHURCH.—On Sunday morning last an incident occurred in Plymouth church, Brooklyn, which suddenly drew tears from the eyes of nearly all the great congregation.—
The ceremony of baptism of children had been appointed for that morning, and, as the weather was unusually beautiful, a large flock of little ones were gathered round the pulpit, held in their parents' arms, to be baptized. When the audience supposed that the ceremony was ended, Mr. Beecher carried up into the pulpit a little girl about five years of age, of sweet face, large eyes, light hair, and fair as a lilly [sic]. Pausing a moment to conquer his emotion, he sent a shiver of horror through the congregation by saying, "This child was born a slave, and is just redeemed from slavery!" It is impossible to describe the effect of this announcement. The fact seemed so incredible and so atrocious that, at first, the spectators held their breath in their amazement, and were then melted to tears. We give the story in Mr. Beecher's words, which were spoken in a tremulous, broken voice that struggled hard to keep a steady utterance:
A benevolent woman, who was nursing our sick soldiers in the hospitals at Fairfax, found this child, sore and tattered and unclean, and requested the good sister who has adopted her to bring her North and take care of her. She will be treated as this lady's own child, and it is designed to educate her as a teacher for her race.
"Look upon this child—tell me if you ever saw a fairer, sweeter face? This is a sample of the slavery which clutches for itself everything fair and attractive. The loveliness of this face, the beauty of this figure, would only make her so much more valuable for lust. While your children are brought up to fear and serve the Lord, this little one, just as beautiful, would be made, through slavery, a child of damnation. The whole force of my manhood revolts and rises up in enmity, against, an institution that cruelly exposes such children to be sold like cattle. Look upon this child, every one of you!—look upon her, ever young man and maiden in this house!—and by the memory of this scene, and for the sake of such little ones as these, and for the sake of Christ, let your souls burn with fiery indignation against the horrible system which turns into chattels such fair children of God! May God strike for our armies and the right, that this accursed thing may be utterly destroyed!"
The child was then baptized Fanny Virginia Cassiopeia Lawrence, the last being the name if her Northern benefactress, who is to be her foster-mother.

On Monday morning the stars and stripes were raised in the chapel of the Brooklyn Heights Seminary, with appropriate ceremonies. The principal, Dr. West, introduced Gov. Washburn, of Maine, who made some patriotic remarks. He said our flag had generally unfurled on gala days, but twice within his recollection had been followed to battle, and now it was to advance against a rebel flag. Misrepresentation and disappointed ambition of politicians were the cause of our national troubles. The flag had been insulted in Charleston harbor, but not disgraced, and now the whole country was awaking. The South had not known--we ourselves had not known how patriotic we were. He was confident that in a few months the stars and stripes would wave from Maine to the Gulf--from the Atlantic to the Pacific. [Applause.]
Dr. Storrs then spoke, remarking the novelty of the overflowing patriotic sentiment. He spoke if the reasons why it had lain dormant. It was difficult to take a large country, to its remotest borders, into the heart. Small countries were strongly marked by patriotism. The Rhode Islander loves his state so that he is said to be prejudiced; the inhabitant of Connecticut thinks, taking the "Blue Laws" and all, nothing is quite comparable with his state; and the Massachusetts man knows that nothing is equal to the old Bay State. He had lately come to feel that he loved the whole country. Our patriotism had been like some chemical compounds, all turbid, till, at the attack on Fort Sumter, as upon the addition of some crystalizing element, it instantaneously flashed into crystals. He hoped for a good result of the conflict, and that God would speed the right.

Colonel Michael Murphy is now busily employed in organizing the above regiment. The present militia call has somewhat retarded the progress of his enlistments; but there is no doubt that under his experienced exertions a fine regiment will be raised. The authorities are about taking the matter in hand of materially aiding Colonel Murphy in recruiting, and this will enable him to leave for the seat of war in a short time. There is every probability that the King's County Volunteers will be encamped at East New York, as New Dorp, Staten Island, where the men are sent at present, is somewhat inconvenient.

___ief, object of interest at the Yard to-day is the Corvette BERTHO__ET, which arrived this morning and was at once taken into the Dry Dock to be re- ___. Her false keel is partly torn out, as are also ___ eets of copper, which will be replaced. The ___ mounts six guns and carries a crew of 123 ___ old, officered as follows: ___ ongmere, Captain; M. Reilhac, Lieutenant; ____ Executive Officer; M. Sellier, Ensign; M. Hyppo- ____, ___shipman, first class; M. Collier, Midshipman; _che_, Surgeon, Mr. Clement, __ ___k on the ship is being done by mechanics of ___, under permission of the Department. The ___ arrived last Saturday from Vera Cruz and is ___ Newfoundland. ___ this vessel, there are in our harbor the 60 ___e Guerriere, Captain De La Perouse, bearing ___ f Rear Admiral Reynaud, the 8 gun corvette ____, Captain Fabre, the dispatch steamer Renau- ___, Captain Le Cardinal and the transport Seine, Capt. ____, _11 of which vessels will probably be repaired ___ard.
Following is a list of the Ottawa's officers, which ___ the Blockading Squadron, on Tuesday next.
The King's County Volunteers.--Col. Michael Murphy has received authorization from the State government to raise a new regiment under the title of the "Kings County Volunteers." He has now entered upon his duties, and there is no doubt but that the well known energy of the Colonel in this connection will materially aid him in rapidly raising a first class organization. Colonel Murphy has seen considerable service in the present war. He went out as captain in the 37th Regiment, and next is heard of in the 163d New York Volunteers, raised for Spinola's brigade, and of which he was in command shortly after the battle of Fredericksburg. His militia experience dates back to 1847, when he was connected with the Ninth New York. The headquarters of the Kings County Volunteers will be in the city, with branch offices in New York and elsewhere. Every aid should be given Col. Murphy in raising ....

Westminster church, corner of Clinton street and First place, South Brooklyn, was densely thronged by a numerous audience last evening, on the occasion of the presentation of a set of colors to the City Guard—a detachment of the Home Guard of that place. Mr. Charles Christmas presided over the exercises. Shortly after eight o'clock the Guard made its appearance, with a band discoursing martial airs, and defiled through the centre aisle of the church to the front pews, where they took up a position around the pulpit. Their uniform is gray, somewhat similar to that of the New York Seventh regiment. Their entrance was the signal for an enthusiastic outburst on the part of the assemblage. When the applause has subsided,
Mr. J. T. S. Stranahan, formerly a member of the Board of Police Commissioners, came forward with the colors in his hand and addressed the soldiers. He alluded briefly to the causes which had brought about the present troubles, pointed out the necessity and efficiency of such an organization as a Home Guard, and after some complimentary remarks to the soldiers themselves, formally presented the banner to them. It was received by
Judge Garrison, who, on behalf of the company and its commandant, Captain Allen Lee Bassett, returned thanks in a most appropriate and patriotic speech.
Rev. Mr. Carpenter, the pastor of the church, was then introduced by the Chairman, and addressed the assemblage at some length, in referring to the efforts which the government is making to put down rebellion, he said that the action of the nation was intended for the benefit and well being of those who were seeking to withdraw from the benign authority. He took occasion, too, to reply to the question, "Why should ministers of the Gospel countenance war—a thing contrary to the teachings of the Saviour?" To this he would reply that peace was an end to be attained at all costs, dangerous disease required summary remedies, and the peace of a nation endangered by sedition was to be preserved only by the rigid enforcement of its laws and authority. Rebellion compassed the safety of the nation's citizens who looked to their pastors for counsel in the hour of extremity. The necessity of war then being evident to secure peace, why should not ministers countenance it? To the Guard, in conclusion he said that they were but one small portion of the grand national Home Guard of twenty millions, who had sent forward some three hundred thousand scouts to the borders of the enemy's country, but who were ready to march if their entire force was necessary to preserve the Union's integrity. A thorough defence made a thorough government, and a thorough government made thorough peace and prosperity.
At the conclusion of the reverend gentleman's remarks which were frequently applauded, as were those of the other speakers, the Guard shouldered arms and marched out of the church. The audience then dispersed, the organ playing the national airs. The banner presented to the company is made of handsome silk, mounted on an ashen staff, and is deeply fringed with bullion, with the stars on the blue field worked in gold. It was the gift of the citizens of the neighborhood. (June 28, 1861)

Brooklyn Daily Eagle.
This Paper has the Largest Circulation of any Evening Paper published in the United States. Its value as an Advertising Medium is therefore apparent.

The First Experiment a Failure.
The strength of the Union League movement has been tested in Chicago, and the result is—failure. A Union League was organized in that city purely, of course, on non-partisan principles; its only object was to sustain the administration. It commenced the work by dabbling in local politics, and made its first effort in the way of saving the country by nominating a candidate for Mayor in opposition to the candidate of the Democratic party. Up to last year the Republican party had it all their own way in the city of Chicago; last year the city was carried by the Democracy. This year nothing is heard of the Republican party, but it appears as the Union League organization. The Union Leaguers there entrapped a few Democratic leaders, and one of them, named Bryan, an ex-Douglas Democrat, was put forward as their candidate. The Democrats nominated Mr. Sherman, the present mayor of the city, and on the day preceding the election the papers in his interest published a splendid electioneering document in the report of the financial condition of the city, which proved that when Mr. Sherman went into office the city treasury was empty, while now there is a balance on the right side of $400,000. Mr. Bryan is an old any very wealthy citizen, and having acted with the Douglas Democracy in the place where Douglas's name was most potent, it was hoped by the Republicans that he would be able to seduce from their party allegiance Douglas Democrats sufficient to throw the election into the hands of the Republicans, acting for the time being under the name of the Union party The plan failed; the Democrats carried the city by a majority small indeed, but considering the tactics followed by their opponents, their success is wonderful. The following facts published by the Chicago Times deserve consideration:
"To enable the reader to understand the splendor of the triumph, we must show what the Democracy have had to contend against. The total number of votes polled for Mayor, yesterday, was 20,306. At the State and Congressional election last fall—one of the most exciting elections ever held in the city—the total number of votes polled within the same territory now covered by the city was only 15,776, including two or three regiments of soldiers now absent. There has been no actual material increase of legal voters since last fall, but here is an apparent increase of 4,530. The simple truth is, that the abolitionists, through their secret organizations have imported two or three thousand men and voted them at this election. Look at the total vote in the First Ward, where there are comparatively few residences--it running up to 1,879. Will anybody tell us there are that number of legal voters in the ward? Look, too, at the Sixteenth Ward—total vote, 1,906! Will anybody tell us there are that number of legal voters in that ward?"
Of the main fact here given there can be no two opinions. The vote of Chicago five months ago, at the most exciting election ever held in that city, was very nearly five thousand votes less than at the present election. It is all but impossible that the increase can be legitimate. On its face the charge made by the Times is probable. If this be the peculiar tactics which the new organization propose to bring into play, there are stormy times ahead. So long as the ballot-box can be relied upon to give a fair expression of the will of the people, so long will the people be content to settle their differences at the ballot box. The moment the public franchise is polluted, and the will of the people thereby frustrated, there is an end to the public peace. Let the men who attempt this plan of political campaigning be warned in time; let them beware of closing the safety valves by which the public feeling finds an outlet. If they would not make conspirators of legitimate opponents, let them rejoice over a defeat in Chicago, which is safer by far than victory obtained by such means. Pollute the franchise, and there is nothing left for us but anarchy or despotism. The people are not ready to accept the latter, and if they are compelled to resort to the former, there are terrible times in store for the country; and though our faith in the public spirit of the American people and of the ultimate triumph of the right is unshaken, we have no desire to face the terrible scenes which, if the charge of the Times be true, the political charlatans of the West have done their utmost to bring upon us.

UNION MEETING IN BROOKLYN.—Henry B. Stanton addressed a large and enthusiastic meeting, last evening, at the Cumberland street Church, in Brooklyn, upon "Peace, and the way to obtain it." Mr. S. was applauded throughout. A glee club lent interest to the occasion.

Brooklyn City News.
THE BOUNTY FRAUD CASE.—The examination in the case of Captain Cartwright, Lieutenant Lambert and others of the Ironsides regiment, who are charged with having perpetrated a series of frauds upon the bounty fund of Kings county, was resumed yesterday. One of the conspirators, named Harrison, who has since turned State's evidence, thus relates the manner in which the fraud was perpetrated:—
Charles H. Harrison, sworn—I reside at No. 28 Sixth street, New York; I live with my parents; I enlisted under the name of Charles Williams; I am eighteen years of age; on Sunday last Chris. Sayers and Ballard asked me if I wished to make two dollars; he said he would give me that if I would pass the doctor for him; on Monday we went down to the armory; I went up to the room; the defendants, Cartwright and Lambert, were there; Lambert asked me my name; I told him Charles Williams; he asked me if that was my real name; I told him no; he asked me my age; I told him eighteen; he said that won't do, you must be twenty-one; Lambert told me it was a sham affair, and that what Heggett had told me I could depend upon; Cartwright was close by when Lambert said that, and must have heard him; after that we went to be examined by the doctor and sworn in; we then came over to Brooklyn; on the way Cartwright asked me if I remembered my name and the number of the street where I lived; I said I did; he told me not to forget them; after we got to the office in Brooklyn, Lambert asked me the same questions; we were sworn in by one of the supervisors; we were arrested in the office; while we were in the cell Lambert said there was but one way to get out of it, and that was to say that we had joined the regiment and wished to go, and that we had enlisted under false names and address because our parents were opposed to our going and we did not wish to let them know of it; he said if we went Cartwright would be captain, and would give us passes to go where we pleased, and that would be the last of it.
The case will be further investigated to-day.

Will positively be held at
On Wednesday Evening next,
MAY 13th, 1863.
Early Closing Association
Of Brooklyn, E. D.

A Grand TORCH-LIGHT PROCESSION of the above Association will take place on THURSDAY EVENING, May 14th, attended by the Military Brass Band of the 47TH Regiment. They will form in front of the ODBON, at 71/2 o'clock, P. M., to proceed from there down South 4th and South 7th streets to the Ferry, and await the Associations from New York, Brooklyn, and New Jersey, who will accompany them.
The line of march will be as follows:
From First street up Clymer, around the Fountain, and through Fourth street to Grand, up Grand to Graham avenue, thence to Meserole, down Meserole to South 4th and Fifth streets, up South 6th to South 9th, down South 9th to Fifth and Lee avenue, to Ross street, to Bedford avenue, and Fourth to South 9th, down South 9th through Third street to South 7th, to the Ferry.
Friends of EARLY CLOSING are respectfully invited to unite with the Association.
EDMUND DRIGGS, Esq., will address the procession at the Fountain.

T. S. MARTIN, Committee of Arrangements.

T. B. KNIFFIN, Grand Marshal.

Chinese Lanterns, for illuminating Dwellings, can be procured of KNIFIN BR'OS., No. 64 South 7th street, at 12 cents each.      my5 3t

The People of Kings County
Again in the Field.
A War Spirit Thoroughly
&c., &c., &c.
The adjourned mass meeting of Monday last again assembled in full force and full of the enthusiasm which marked the previous proceedings so summarily dismissed by the late heavy storm of Monday last.
Not only similar bright lights of the previous evening illumined the streets and lighted up the Park, jammed in every corner by a vast multitude, but equally brilliant lights addressed the people from the various stands. The crowd was not so great as on Monday evening; but the same earnestness of purpose, and like enthusiasm pervaded the people, who massed themselves in front of the City Hall and around the main stand. The other stands, In Remsen and Montagne streets, were also well attended, and the speakers—who urged a vigorous prosecution of the war—were enthusiastically cheered, and their advocacy of strong war measures loudly applauded.
It is evident that Brooklyn and all Kings county are as one man on this great struggle. The, intelligence of the past few days has but aroused them to a consciousness of the imminency of the peril which threatens the country, and to a determination to repel it with all the means and force at their command. 
The meeting was organized by Mayor KALBFLEISCH, who briefly addressed the people. He was glad to see them in such numerical force, and took it as a proof of their love of country and readiness to stand upon its defence at all hazards, and to expend both blood and treasure for its maintenance. He regretted that General Corcoran could not be present, but he would introduce to them
Mr. JOSEPH Hoxie, who was greeted with cheers. He said he regretted that he was called as a substitute for such a noble man as Corcoran, one of the best and bravest of living men. He regretted to meet them at all upon such an occasion. A few months ago the country was happy and prosperous, the flag respected at home and abroad. That flag had been trailed in the dust by Southern traitors, and now the question was whether they would ever let the people of the South enjoy the blessings which hitherto they had enjoyed under ______. No greater sacrifices were ever _________ making for the Stars and Stripes. No ... ... ... made for a country than the people are now ... the maintenance and preservation of the Union. Although much had been done, much yet remained. So long as Southern or Northern traitors lived they had to fight. The rebellion was the most wicked that happened since the days of Moses and the Prophets. (Cheers.) What did they complain of? Long since the cause of all trouble—the curse of slavery—was a horse leech that nothing would satisfy. The Southern leaders desired to extend slavery. The government gave all they wanted; but nothing would satisfy them. They got Louisiana, Texas and other States; but this did not satisfy them. The annexation of a portion of Mexico cost millions of money and thousands of lives; but that did not satisfy them. The people South were rebels because they lost the patronage of the government. They complained the laws had not been executed; but if the laws were executed, they themselves would, like Mahomet's coffin, hang between earth and heaven. (Applause.) Nothing would satisfy those men. They would prefer to reign in hell than serve in Heaven. Now was the time to push on the good work. He was willing to give to the soldiers going to the field and to the families they left behind all he could. Withhold not from the wives and children the comforts of which they are deprived by the death of their paternal protectors—aye many of them the victims of the grave digging in the swamps of the Chickahominy. The time for spades was passed away. They now wanted clubs, and it would go hard with the army, if well led and officered, if clubs did not turn up trumps. (Applause.) The greatest mistake in conducting the war was that the government did not recognize its great issues. (Cheers.) Oh, for a leader! Oh, for a Jackson or a man worthy to wear his mantle! Was he now living he would swear, "Oh, by the Eternal! the rebellion must be put down." A spiritualist had declared that he had had an interview with Jackson, and the spiritualist was asked what the old man said, and, his response was that the only thing he regretted was that he had not hung Calhoun. (Applause and laughter.) They had confidence, however, in the patriot at the head of the government. Abraham Lincoln was the choice of the people, and if they loved the country and its institutions they must support him and those whom he solicits to assist in carrying on the government.
Henry C. Murphy, Esq., next addressed the meeting. If the rebellion succeeded, all the evils of separation. would follow—evils that would never be forgotten. Put down the rebellion and all the blessings of former times of peace and happiness would be increased ten fold. They had met to do all they could in this, the greatest extremity of their beloved country. In Roman times, when the imperial city was about to fall into the hands of the enemy, the Senate gave one particular charge to consuls. It was:—"See you every one that the republic suffers no harm; provide by all means against that." We had no consuls; but the country gave that charge to all, to see that in this hour of its peril, that the republic suffered no harm. This was no Roman empire. This was an empire of free-men, and such an empire the sun never before shone upon. This was the country committed to ... ... ... than all, they had a country which for the first time in the history of the world was the home of the oppressed of all nations. The same rights were extended to all men, and the government and the country which secured those blessings was now threatened with destruction. By whom? By a few oligarchists in the South who sought to destroy the hopes and rights of all men, while at the, same time they sought to erect an empire for themselves. Would they stand by and see this great evil done?' (Cries of "no.") Would they see the principle of self-government overthrown, or would they stand by the government and put down the rebellion? (We'll see it put down and cheers.) This must be the result. The South have raised arms in defence of slavery. If slavery goes down in the war it goes down as a necessary result; and to that he said Amen. (Cheers.) At all hazards the cause of human liberty must be maintained; and if, in maintaining it, slavery be annihilated, well, then, slavery will be well overthrown. (Cheers.) The South were carrying on the war in a spirit of unity and with a determination, if possible, to succeed. But the people of the loyal States had risen to crush the rebellion. But the whole energy of the people ought to be put forth. (Cheers.) It would be well for all to go, so that a speedy end might be put to the disastrous contest. As a humane act the whole force of the country and government should be at once thrown into the fight. In every battle where they were worsted they were told that the enemy were two to one. Why is this? Why should it be? Let the quota be filled up in God's name, and if more men be called for let them all go. (Applause, and cries of "We are ready).
Ex-Alderman DOUGLASS spoke next. He said—it was time the rebellion was put down. It was time the government used all the power in its hands to put it down. They had met a foe worthy of their steel. They had bad generals in the field—General Greeley thrown in. Cheers.) Now was the time to prosecute the war with vigor. Put the right general in the right place, and the work would be done. The army the other day exclaimed, Give us little Mac and we are ready for anything. He is the man for the crisis; the honest and the true man for the position. The man that understood the handling of a large army better than any other man living. General Scott said so, and to General McClellan we were bound to stand by him and to fight with him to the last. (Applause.) He must not be removed, for with him there is no such word as fail. (Cheers.) Give him the men and the means and he would venture to say that history never recorded a brighter page than that which would be written of McClellan's achievements.
Rev. Dr. Rufus W. CLARKE next spoke. One thing needed was, generals who were awake to the great importance of the crisis. Had they more men like Sigel the war would soon be brought to an end. He (Sigel) was a man of brains and intelligence, and one who would never think of digging his way to Richmond; as his preference would be to fight to it. The cause for which they were struggling represented liberty, civilization, religion, every element in fact that has given to the nation its prosperity, its power, its happiness at home and its greatness and reputation abroad. (Cheers.) The enemy has declared that they fight for slavery, and it became the government of the United States to declare that we fight for liberty to all. (Great cheering.) The question then was, whether the rebellion was to be crushed, or the rebels were to rule over us—whether their system of slavery should prevail over ours, or the great republic should announce freedom to all. ("So it shall.") It shall indeed--

And the Star Spangled banner
In triumph shall wave
O'er the home of the free
And the land of the brave.

Mr. Wm. E. ROBINSON next spoke, and made a stirring speech, in closing which he said that those who do not go to the war, but stay at home, their children would blush for them when their names should be mentioned in the presence of those children whose fathers had fallen on the battle field. Next to their duty to God, the nearest and dearest was the allegiance they owed to their country. All and every sacrifice be made in this great crisis to preserve the country. Wife and children must, if necessary, be abandoned for a time, for they were secondary to country. The country must be preserved. The bright banner of the republic must not cease to wave. Let every man who can carry a gun rush to the rescue to maintain it there.
Hon. E. T. Wood, Mr. Hennessy, Mr. Drake and Mr. George Stephenson, of the Kane expedition, successively addressed the assemblage, urging upon the people to supply the means to enable the government to carry on the war with vigor. Their remarks were loudly applauded.
About ten o'clock the meeting dispersed.

KINGS COUNTY ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS.—The nion Democratic General Committee, at the meeting held on Tuesday night, adopted the following resolutions:
Resolved, That we approve in word and spirit, without exception or qualification, the letter of the Governor of this State, dated May 16th, 1863, in relation to the kidnapping of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, and we pledge ourselves to the Governor and to each other, to maintain all that the said letter expresses or implies.
Resolved, That the recent despotic military usurpations in our sister States West, submitted to, if not instigated by Republican Governors, demand our immediate and earnest consideration of the means necessary and proper to vindicate the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and the right of the people, peaceably to assemble and to criticize the acts and policy of their public servants, not excepting the President himself.
Resolved, That we adhere thoroughly to the doctrine of civil liberty, that in the States not the theatre of active military operations, the military power shall at all times yield to the civil power of such States, and that no citizens who are not in military service, shall be arrested by military force not tried by military tribunals.
Resolved, That while we acknowledge the Constitution of the United States, and all the laws made in pursuance thereof, to be the supreme law of the land, we do not forget that our liberties and our security in person and property, are derived immediately from the Constitution and laws of our State, and we pledge ourselves to preserve, protect and defend the same against infractions from any kind and every source whatever.
Resolved, That the admonition of our fathers, that "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance," was never so much the solemn duty of free men as at the present era of our political history, when military necessity is declared to be a higher law than the Constitution of the United States, when the negro is leveled up to the white man in the army, and the white man leveled down to be the fellow soldier of the negro.
Resolved, That owing due allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and of the State of New York, but not to temporary office holders, peaceable remonstrance and the ballot-box shall be our only weapons, until the revolutionists by force compel us to resort to agencies more convincing of our earnestness.
Resolved, That the exigencies of the day demand that every friend of Constitutional guarantees and the white man's rights shall comprehend the interests at stake, and be prepared to meet the threatening perils manfully for himself, his fellow citizens, and posterity.

Grand Mass Meeting at the City Hall.
&c., &c., &c.
The grand patriotic mass meeting of the people of Kings county was held last evening in the City Hall Park, Brooklyn, according to the announcement to that effect. The popular heart was fairly enlisted in the demonstration, which was overwhelming in point of numbers and enthusiasm. The late mass meeting held last week was a pigmy to this great gathering. The whole Park and its surroundings, from Court to Montague and Warren streets, were thick with people. The universal sentiment was war against rebellion—war to the knife, and the smiting of the Amalekites in their very tents. It was in fact a Union meeting. Everybody came there for the same purpose—to support the government in the desperate struggle now in progress, to frown down and crush all factious apposition, and to make one noble and gallant effort for the cause of justice and American liberty. The City Hall proper was most brilliantly illuminated. From every window there shone a dazzling light, and all through the Park great streams of light flowed from innumerable lamps temporarily contrived for the occasion.
Unfortunately the elements were not propitious. The rain, which had been threatening all day, came down in earnest shortly after the opening of the meeting. But not all the wet blankets of the clerk of the weather could damp the ardor of the people. It is remarkable that nothing could disperse the crowd until the chairman found that it would be utterly impossible to continue in such a storm. He therefore announced to the people that in consequence of the inclemency of the weather the meeting would be adjourned to Wednesday next, at the same hour when, no doubt, there will be as large, if not a much larger gathering.
The proceedings, as far as they went, are not without interest, as may be seen from the condensed report we furnish.
The Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, Mr. _. N. Stearns, called the meeting to order, and nominated Hon. Martin Kalbfleish as president, which nomination was ratified with great acclamation.
Mayor KALBFLEISH said they had again assembled to reaffirm their devotion to the country and their loyalty to the government, and to reassert that it was their determination to stand by that government and furnish her with men and means until rebellion shall have been crushed out from the land. (Cheers.) His honor read a list of vice presidents and secretaries, and then submitted the following resolutions for adoption:—
Resolved, That in victory or in disaster, in glory or in gloom, the people of Kings county cling with unalterable affection to the constitution and flag of their country.
Resolved, That the efforts which we have heretofore made in sustaining the government are only an earnest of our willingness to redouble our exertions for the future, pledging ourselves to shrink from no sacrifice yet needful to be borne, and to stand shoulder to shoulder in the common cause of the republic and its free government.
Resolved, that if lenity towards rebels in arms was ever politic, that time has passed, and we respectfully but earnestly implore the government to make use of all the powers conferred by Congress, all the means provided by the people, and all the measures justified by civilized warfare, to crush the rebellion utterly and forever.
The Mayor stated that he had an interview with General Corcoran in the afternoon, and implored him to attend the meeting, but he told him he was entirely unable to be present. He had written a letter to the committee, which he would take the liberty of reading to the assemblage. He then proceeded to read the following

ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK, Sept. 1, 1862.
Messrs. POTTER, PARKS and Winslow, Committee, &c.,—
GENTLEMEN—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 29th. ultimo, inviting me to address the citizens of Kings county this evening at the war meeting to be held in City Hall Park.
I deeply regret that the exertions made by me during the past two weeks render some repose from that kind of labor necessary. I am in consequence compelled to decline your kind invitation.
My sentiments in regard to this unholy rebellion have been so frequently proclaimed by me since my release that it would seem useless for me to reiterate them. I cannot, however, refrain from giving expression to the hope that the citizens of your county will continue, in the magnanimous manner they commenced, to aid and assist in the good work of crushing out this unholy and unjustifiable rebellion. This is, perhaps, the most trying crisis that our beloved country has yet experienced or may encounter. Such being the case, the duty of every loyal citizen is to cast aside every other consideration and attend promptly and energetically to the work of placing the troops called for by the President in the field at the earliest practicable moment. Let every man consider the duty which he owes to support the general government, and be careful to perform that duty with scrupulous fidelity. Let those who cannot enlist contribute a portion, at least, of the means they have acquired through the beneficent influence of the free government under which we have all lived and prospered.
I trust that my fellow countrymen will also continue to do their whole duty, and that all past differences of opinion upon political questions will, for the time, be buried, and when peace is restored, I think I can safely predict that they will always receive the consideration which the loyalty and devotion to the Union they have exhibited at this period will certainly entitle them to. I am, gentlemen, with feelings of the highest consideration, your most obedient servant,
MICHAEL CORCORAN, Brigadier General.

Hon. H. B. STANTON was introduced to the audience and proceeded to make a patriotic and telling speech, In his introductory observations he said that he was like Marc Antony in one respect, viz:--That he was a plain, blunt man, who talked right on. He would not ask them to be responsible for what he would say, and to agree with him in what he might utter, but he only asked them to give him a patient hearing. He concurred with Gen. Corcoran in one clause of the letter just read by the Mayor, where, in substance, he said that never, since the fall of Sumter, had this country been in so much peril as it was at the present moment. Why, instead of invading the rebel capital, we were defending our own. Bull run, which we contested a year ago in July, we were contesting in August and September, 1862. He would, without embellishment or preface, give them two or three reasons why the country was in such peril, and why we had not made more advancement upon the foe. The first reason he assigned why we had not met with more success in crushing out the rebellion was that we had been too slow to understand the character and the purposes of the rebels. The Mayor and himself at one time were prominent members of the democratic party, and believed that these men were fighting for some real or some fancied right under the constitution. Not so. They were fighting to destroy that constitution. The Mayor and the speaker might have believed that the people of the South were contesting some fancied or real privilege within the Union. No; they were fighting to break up the Union. (Cheers, and "That's so.") Some might have thought that the rebels might be "seduced" by some conciliation or compromise to return to the Union; and there had been a feeling, arising from the most patriotic of motives, that it was not wise to press them too far, lest they would refuse to accept conciliation or compromise at our hands. But that delusion had been dispelled by the bitter experiences of the last twelve months. They do not ask for conciliation nor compromise; they detest and spurn it. They are fighting for their independence and to establish their Confederate government upon the rums of the republic built by our fathers in the Revolution. (Loud applause.) When we come to learn that the issue between us and then is not compromise nor concession; is not to return through the avenue of conciliation strewn with flowers; not the guarantee of fancied or real rights which they claim to have lost in the Union, or to have been jeoparded in the Union, but the obstruction of the fair fabric which Washington and Franklin erected, and which Jackson and Webster have defended on the field and in the Senate, then we know for what and with whom we are contending. Let us dispel this error from the 1st of September onward, and understand that this is a death struggle, and that if
we do not crush the rebels, the rebels will crush us.

(Loud cries of "Never, never.") There was another delusion which had pervaded another class of men who were called the radical republicans. They believed that though this nation was broken in two, yet we of the North might have a very good and powerful government. He would attempt to dispel that delusion. The individual who believed that this republic could be divided on the line of 36-30, or on the line between the slave and the free States, and leave us a United States north of that line had utterly mistaken the tendency of events. (Applause.) When this nation begins to go to pieces, nobody but the Almighty could tell where it would split—for so far from breaking in the centre and leaving us a North, which we would call the United States, there was far more danger, like a rotten cake of ice dashing over a rocky cataract by the furious freshet and going utterly to pieces, than there was that it would break in two in the middle. He asked those who opposed Mr. Lincoln's election if they did not submit cheerfully to his rule, because he was constitutionally elected, and claimed to be President of the whole of the United States. Our safety consisted in swearing by the eternal that the Star Spangled Banner shall wave authoritatively and in triumph from the Atlantic coast to the golden strand of California, and from the pine forests of the upper lakes to the orange groves that cluster around the Gulf of
Mexico. (Loud cheers.) They would expend any amount of money, they would shed more precious blood, they would suffer to be deprived of the writ of habeas corpus and the liberty of speech and of the press; they would throw all into the contest, the last man and the last dollar, and, in the words of Daniel Webster, swear that there shall be in this republic only "one country, one constitution and one destiny forever." (Loud cheers.) He would tell them their duty freely and without disguise. First, the young men of the country must take the field. Those who had already enlisted, and those who were about to enlist, had no idea what a glorious country they were fighting for. America was emphatically the poor man's country. The despotisms of the Old World had crushed some of his hearers and their forefathers, and this country was an asylum for them and for their children for generations to come. In this country we were all of the nobility; we were all of the blood royal, and were all heirs apparent to the throne. There was not a man in that assembly who might not aspire to the Presidency, and, if no has the capacity and good fortune, sit in the White House and administer the government of this vast country. Labor was better paid and was more respectable in this country than in any other part of the world. The goods and chattels, and bank stock and United States stock of the rich men of the country was at stake in this issue. If our government went to pieces there would be no United States to pay the debt, and he would advise those who had anything vested in United States stocks to save all and spend half. (Laughter.) There was another reason why we should fight for the country. There were millions of struggling humanity the world over that were looking with longing eyes upon our starry flag, and there were men in the uttermost parts of the earth, who, whenever they saw that banner stream out from the mast of an American vessel, said, "that is the flag of the free." (Applause.) We were fighting this contest not merely to save our own country, but for the cause of constitutional liberty, representative government and free institutions the world over; for if our government failed, there was not a people on the face of the earth that would hereafter be encouraged to strike for freedom against despotism in other parts of the world. (Renewed cheers.) It is because there were such immense interests at stake that we must submit to any exaction on the part of the government. If they cannot get volunteers enough they must draft. If they cannot get money enough, they must levy contributions, and if it was necessary to put half the people in Fort Lafayette to save the country they must go. (Cheers and laughter.) If it is necessary to displace any general who falls he must be displaced. We must have no idol but our country, and at that we must fall down and reverently say, "Our country first, our country last, our country always." (Enthusiastic cheering.) If it was necessary for him to go to the war he would go, for we must not allow this great, glorious, free country to fail in the eye of the world. (Applause.) He had a word to say about our government. He would not be willing to hear any criticism upon the administration by democrats, but, inasmuch as he addressed a quarter of a million of people in behalf of Mr. Lincoln's election, and as he helped to put Seward, Chase and Welles into the Cabinet, he had a right not only to give the government a word of encouragement, but a word of warning. There was not a more patriotic man or Cabinet on the face of the earth than Lincoln and his Cabinet, and all he asked of them was not to move forward so stately, but to move as soldiers do when they charge bayonets on the field of battle—take up the double quick. ("Good, good," and great applause.) The government had asked us to make large sacrifices. See what an immense debt had been roiled up. We were piling up such burdens on the public shoulders that three generations would stagger under  them, and men would be elected or defeated to office here under some form of government (unless we sooner repudiated it), in 1962, about their views of the best mode of paying off the debt contracted in 1862. Let us submit to it cheerfully. See the blood that has been shed. Whenever he opened a newspaper and read the accounts of relatives and dear friends dying, when he read of those brave boys being buried far from home, with no mother nor father nor sister nor brother to bend over their biers, he felt that this precious blood ought to bear glorious fruit in victory; and he simply asked of the government which called for such vast expenditures of money and blood, that it shall use promptly, constantly, efficiently and wisely all the resources of men and means which we put into its hands. Is that not right and just? (Several voices, "That's right.") He asked the government, in the language of one of the resolutions, to use all available means known to civilized warfare to crush out the rebellion. He would not meet the slavery question here, but he would say, that a man who was unwilling to go into this war and fight it through, unless we abolish slavery, his patriotism was not like the patriotism of the speaker. And, on the other hand, he who was unwilling to go into this fight when the President makes up his mind that, to save the Union, it is necessary to destroy slavery, his patriotism was not like his (Mr. Stanton's). A VOICE—Keep it where it is.
Mr. Stanton.—If slavery gets into the way of our success, I am for putting it out of the way. (Loud cheers.) The speaker went on to say that he had great sympathy with the working men, and he knew that they did not want to have negro labor come here and compete with them. He thought if the corners were knocked off slavery and it was splintered up a little, and it still left a full blown institution in the South. All the negroes must come here or drown themselves in the sea. ("We can't have them here.") But if you blot out the whole concern, said the speaker, then they will settle where they were born and, like molasses in a tumbler would settle down on the bottom of this continent. If we drove the whole thing into the Gulf of Mexico or into Central America where Mr. Lincoln said he would carry it, that is the last they would hear of slavery. We had got to take Richmond before long, for, as the whole interest of the fight during the Crimean war centered in Sebastopol—a little, insignificant place—so Richmond was to us in this war, Richmond was a miserable place, and if it had not been made the rebel capital it would not be worth spending a twenty-four pound shot upon; but it had become the mooted point, the contesting arena, in this fight, and we must take it. (Applause.) If he (Mr. Stanton) were President, and he were asked how he could take Richmond, he would reply:—I would say to the General, call around you your leaders of the army corps; consult with them thoroughly and make up your mind on every point. Then I would say, "Have you got troops enough?" "No; we want 25,000 more." "There are 50,000 more." "Have you got artillery, cavalry and infantry, pontoon bridges and munition enough?" "Yes." "How many days do you want to take Richmond in?" The General would reply, "Forty." "I'll give you fifty, and then with this army, the most splendid and brave the world ever saw, and furnished with the best weapons, and if you don't take Richmond within those fifty days I'll strike your name from the army roll and have you shut up and court martialed if I can. (Loud cheers.) It was a historic fact that in the early stages of the French revolution France was beaten in all Europe, until they laid down the law that the generals should have all they wanted, and then be held responsible for the success of their army. In conclusion, Mr. Stanton announced the latest intelligence from the seat of war, and the statement that Bull run had been redeemed was received with loud cheering. He said it would have been glorious to have had Corcoran at the head of his legion at Bull run.
The President stated that in consequence of the rain storm which was then raging it was deemed advisable to adjourn the meeting at that time. Previous to the adjournment the subjoined resolution was proposed and unanimously adopted:—
Resolved, That we respectfully request the Board of Supervisors to continue the county bounty of $60 to recruits; and as a further means of encouraging enlistment we recommend our merchants to close, their places of business at three o'clock P. M. from now until the 15th of September.
The vast audience then dispersed.

At the meeting on Remsen street Hon. GEORGE HALL was elected chairman. He said the rebels were at the gates of the capital. The question was whether the people of Brooklyn would now rise in their might to sustain the government. The enemy were fighting, as traitors ever did, to the bitter end. It was for the people to decide whether they would allow the best government that ever blessed the earth to be overthrown. He knew what the response to that question would be, and that they would, at all hazards, sustain the government. (Applause.)
Mr. CHAUNCEY SCHAFFER next addressed the meeting. He felt more like fighting than talking. The time for action was upon them, and nothing should be said but that which stirred up the hearts of the people till this rebellion was suppressed. (Cheers.) He had reliance on the government to that end. Rebellions never prospered in this country. Other rebellions had been put down, and now the southern rebels were thundering at the gates of the capital, and their success again called for the might of the people to be put forth. They desired to involve the country in ruin. The rebellion was without cause. When the government was constitutionally elected, and went to the capital with the olive branch in his hand, and, appealing to Heaven for his sincerity, he pledged himself to enforce the laws and observe the constitution and the rights of all the States, what more than this was necessary? Reason should have stayed the hands of rebels till some overt act against them was perpetrated. They waited not; but at once raised their parricidal hands against the government. Virginia at the point of the bayonet was driven out of the Union; Sumter was attacked, and yet the government expostulated with the rebels. Sumter fell—a disgrace to the American people. (Cheers.) Better would it have been had the President raised a rampart of dead bodies around that fortress than it should have fallen. (Applause.) Better to have razed Charleston to the ground and raised on its ruins a monument on which would be inscribed "Charleston once was." He would have made that city a sacrifice to offended laws. The mission of the republic was not yet ended. The constitution was destined to live forever and to make her power tell around the globe. (Applause.) He admitted that McClellan, at the head of his brave 250,000 men, should last autumn have hurled his strength against the enemy. He ought not to have been satisfied at that time with digging trenches. (Cries of "That so.") He never understood the benefit of doing nothing (Cheers.) He would say to the powers that be, "Awake, arise, or be forever fallen." (Great cheering.) The news that reached them was not favorable to their cause. It was said that all was lost. No, never. (Cries, "No, sir, never.") All would be gained. Nothing was lost , because the people were awake. (Cheers.) The Cabinet must wake when they hear the thunder bolt strike upon Capitol. Suppose the worst should come, suppose the arch traitor himself should stand on the ruins of the Capitol, suppose, with his fellow traitors, he should say my slave empire shall travel towards the North pole. He (Schaffer) would say--"Back, traitors, to your dens; down with your brazen face; down with your tyrant sceptre--it was never destined to travel over the free States of the North." (Cheers,)
In such a cause he would summon Christendom to defend the right first. He would summon every lover of freedom, and say to all, "Make this the battle ground of freedom." If the flag of the country was to be trailed in the dust, and the capital to be brought to a heap of ruins, he would fight for the cause--aye, to the very death. (Applause.) He would employ all means to suppress the rebellion; he would take from the rebels all that gave them aid and employ it themselves. (Applause.) He would confiscate their very necks if he could get hemp enough to hang them all. (Laughter and applause.) Let them cross the Potomac; there was another river that rebeldom would never cross; it would never send its hordes across the Susquehanna. (Cheers.) In other countries the women had made sacrifices. Now was the time for sacrifices. Let the women of the land do their duty, or rather continue it, as they have been doing. Let the young men go forth to the rescue. Let the old men, who had means, pour out of their treasury, so that the brave soldiers should never require to look behind--only to look forward and onward, and to rush to meet the most hideous foe that ever assailed a beneficent government. (Applause.)
Rev. Mr. Inskip addressed the meeting in a very telling and humorous speech. He was in favor of the most vigorous prosecution of the war. If the government carried out the war in a proper spirit all would yet be redeemed. Rigor and determination were now the policy. The government had been too long lenient; too long fighting as if they feared to hurt anybody. (Cheers, and cries of "That's so.") He thought and hoped that was now all changed, and that the people would have their prayers to the government answered, and that the rebellion would be suppressed by the government using the great powers conferred upon it by the government to that end.
The storm prevented further speaking, and the meeting adjourned will Wednesday ....

For the Eagle.
EDITORS EAGLE:--Through the columns of your journal allow a number of your fellow citizens to make a suggestion in relation to the officering of a regiment which in all probability will leave this city for the seat of war in a short time.
It is a well known fact that our armies in the field, since the commencement of the rebellion, have suffered terribly through the incompetency of officers in command. In many cases we have heard of men in the ranks far more capable to lead a regiment than the Colonel himself. Hence, we should in the future be more careful in the selection of officers for the field.
Now to our suggestion: We have an officer in our city who has recently returned from the battle field, where he served faithfully and bravely for two years, during which time he participated in the battles of first Bull Run, West Point, Charles City, Cross Roads, Mechanicsville, Fair Oaks, Gaines Mills, Savage Station, White Oak Swamp, Malvern Hills, second Bull Run, Crampton Gap or South Mountain, Antietam, and Fredericksburgh [sic].
After the battle of West Point, he was promoted to a Captaincy for meritorious conduct on the field; and at Crampton Gap, after his Colonel and Major fell, he led the Regiment (3d, 1st California) successfully through the day, and until 9 o'clock at night, with the daring and skill of a veteran officer. This we get from one who was under his command.
The gentleman to whom we refer is Capt. Charles Dimond. He is a thorough disciplinarian, and one that any good soldier would be proud to follow in the field.
Let Capt. Dimond have the command, and we venture to say that a fine regiment ... Dimond ... for the field.

The Boys of Brooklyn and the War for the Union.
Two Hundred Thousand Dollars Bounty to be Raised To-Day.

&c., &c., &c.

Last evening a monster meeting of the true and loyal men of Kings county assembled at the City Hall, Brooklyn, to take immediate steps to supply the quota of troops required of the gallant Kings county, without resorting to a draft. The call upon the patriotism of a people in the exigencies of a government was never more nobly or enthusiastically responded to than that which brought together the assemblage last evening. Nowhere, on no spot throughout the length and breadth of the land have the people, the substantial men of county or district, appeared in such respectable numbers to express their patriotism and give assurance of their determination to aid the government in supplying men money in carrying out the wicked and detestable war which the vile ambition of a few have precipitated upon the country, till it and the treason which instigated it are crushed out together. Through a mistake, the meeting was held in the Supreme Court room, in the City Hall. It should have been held in the Park, for, although from time to time the pressure from the outside compelled the insiders to crush into uncomfortable compression, more room was repeatedly called for from those who kept pushing for entrance. At least five thousand people were unfortunately debarred from listening to the speeches or participating in the demonstrations which they elicited.
So pressing became the demand on the part of the excluded thousands for an al fresco display of oratory, that even after the close of the legitimate business of the meeting, and after the principal orator of the evening—Gen. Sickles—had made a very lengthened address to those inside, the Chairman and his officers and speakers had to present it themselves on the steps of the hall and improvise fresh proceedings. The greatest enthusiasm here also prevailed, and it was not till eleven o'clock that the immense assemblage dispersed, with vociferous cheers for the Union and President Lincoln.
The proceedings were opened by the appointment as Chairman of Mr. Conkling Brush, who very briefly stated the object of this meeting.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted:—
Whereas, the county of Kings has heretofore furnished volunteers and militia for the service of the United States to an extent far exceeding its proportional quota as compared with the rest of the State, and for that reason—and none other—seems slow to furnish its quota, under the present call, this meeting of the citizens of Kings county, called for the purpose of assisting volunteering, deems it proper and just to recapitulate:—That hitherto, and whilst many parts of the State, now so nobly responding to the call for volunteers, furnished but few men, the county of Kings did send out more than ten thousand volunteers; that on the urgency of the President's first call  men in April 1861, Kings County furnished two regiments—Thirteenth and Twenty-eighth; and in May, 1861, the Fourteenth regiment volunteered for the war; that the Thirteenth and Forty-seventh militia now are in service in Virginia and Maryland, under the requisition of May, 1862; that the First Long Island, Forty-seventh, Forty-eighth, Eighty-seventh, Ninetieth and Fifth heavy artillery volunteers, have, been raised in Kings county: that many of the regiments nominally raised in the city of New York have been largely recruited in Kings county; that especially most of the German regiments from New York have been filled up with recruits from Kings county to the extent of thousands; that with these facts we show a reason why our county appears less ready than usual to respond to the call; in reality we are less able, but not less willing; therefore,
Resolved, That notwithstanding the previous exertions and volunteering from this county, we are not exhausted on men or means nor faltering in zeal or spirit.
Resolved, That the honor and interest of this county and our duty and patriotism to our country, require every exertion to fill up our quota from volunteers instead of by a draft.
Resolved, That other localities having offered inducements by bounties, sufficient to draw off numbers of recruits from this county to enlist from other places, it is necessary and judicious to counteract the natural effect of such operations by offering an additional bounty for enlistments in the county of Kings.
Resolved, That in the present situation of affairs it is recommended that the Board of Supervisors of Kings county borrow the sum of $200,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to pay. a bounty of $50 cash down to every recruit enlisting before 1st day of September next in this county, and that this bounty be paid additional to all other bounties from State or United States.
Resolved, That in addition, all citizens are requested and urged to contribute their money and personal exertions to help on enlistments; all is necessary, and with all, all can be accomplished.
Officers were duly appointed to carry out the spirit of the above resolutions.
The following letter from a citizen was then read and its sentiments loudly applauded:—
SIR—At the public meeting to be held to-night I suggest that you propose the following:—
That Governor Morgan be asked immediately to issue his proclamation in substance as follows:—
Whosoever will provide an abled bodied man to volunteer, that shall be accepted and mustered into the United States service prior to September 1 or 5, the day for drafting; shall himself be exempt from the draft now ordered, if any there be.
A resolution might be passed by the meeting and a committee appointed to wait on the Governor and urge it.
In the cities of New York and Brooklyn it is believed there are thousands who would prefer immediately to furnish their nun, and avoid even the name of draft. They would like to have the thing off their mind. It would almost certainly have the effect to fill the ranks without resorting to the draft in these two cities. I am respectfully, sir, your obedient Servant.
August 15, 1862. A CITIZEN OF BROOKLYN.

General Philip Crooke then came forward. He said that the object of the meeting was to do everything in favor of recruiting and to prevent a draft. It was said that Kings county was not doing its duty. The fact was not so.  (Applause.) There was no other State that had done more than this. The militia of New York and Brooklyn saved Washington. The immediate response of Brooklyn, when the capital was threatened, was two regiments at a few hours' notice. The noble Thirteenth, the Fourteenth and the Twenty-eighth of this city, garrisoned Washington at the same time, and saved the capital from capture. (Applause.) Nearly all the volunteers that answered the first call for soldiers came from the cities of New York and Brooklyn. Kings county, in 1861, furnished 10,000 men for the defence of the country—a number equal to that furnished by many of the States. Since that there was a continual drain upon the city, and, among other regiments, the Fifth regular artillery, Colonel Graham, went off from Brooklyn to defend the honor of the land. (Applause.) Williamsburg alone sent away some two thousand German soldiers to support the arms of the republic, and it is now when the draft is threatened that Kings county is said to be wanting in its duty. There was no such thing. Kings county was depleted, but he would have it known that it was not exhausted. There is no lack of duty in this county. The people are as ready now as ever they were to do their duty, and they were still coming forward nobly to fill up the ranks of the army. (Applause.) He spoke of the presence of Brooklyn men in almost every regiment in the service. An officer told him that the Brooklyn boys were to be found in Ohio regiments, and in fact everywhere where the American flag floats. (Applause.) That very day he was reading in the papers of the patriotism and public spirit of Rhode Island. The feeling in Rhode Island is the feeling here, if one can get at it. He (the speaker) did not blame any man who enlisted where he could get $50 or more, when he could not get it elsewhere. The glorious little State of Rhode Island had come to the conclusion of paying $400 to every volunteer who may enlist, on the principle that so long as there is a dollar in the state the necessity of drafting shall never be resorted to. (Applause.) This is the feeling in Kings county. Money is wanted; and money must be forthcoming to keep up the dignity and the honor of the nation. Taxation is the only way to reach those who button up their pockets and refuse to do anything to aid their country. (Applause.) Let these be taxed, and he, for one, was ready to stand by his duties and by everything demanded of him. This meeting had been called to give expression to the voice of the people, and he hoped that would be faithfully expressed. There is a resolution to be proposed to-morrow in the Board of Supervisors for an appropriation of $200,000 immediately; and from this it is proposed to offer a bounty of fifty dollars to every recruit who will enlist before the 1st of September. We may learn something from the old mother country in this respect. There they give a guinea to a man who comes into the army, and he can shut his hands upon this as solid money. Why not ... the same incentive here? (Applause.) Let the Brooklyn recruit get everything and every farthing he can from other sources, but of one thing he must be certain—the fifty dollars bounty from the county of Kings. No man can be expected to enlist and leave his family without the means of existence. (Applause.) Money is as necessary as lighting to carry on the war. Let those who are outside do the fighting, while we are here regulating the money affairs. He had not the slightest doubt but that the money necessary could be provided in twenty-four hours.
A gentleman in the audience suggested that the Mayor might veto the appropriation.
Gen. Crooke said that the Mayor had nothing to do with it.
Mayor Kalbfleisch, who was sitting within the rails, rose and asked permission to answer the speaker. He said that it would be necessary first to know that there was a Mayor who would veto the motion before the objection was made; and further, he would add that the Mayor was ready with $5,000 of the sum proposed. (Ap­plause.)
General Crooke said that the Mayor was always ready to do his duty, and would do so now, The sum of $200,000 was named as the sum for the recompense of volunteers, and he did not think it was so large as to startle the people of Brooklyn.
Ex-Alderman LEECH moved that the sum of $500,000 be voted, instead of $200,000 proposed by the speaker. He thought that $200,000 could be applied to the purposes of recruiting and the remainder be used for the support of the families of those volunteering.
The MAYOR said the sources whence the money was to be derived should be borne in mind. It might be possible to raise the first named sum, but not so easy to raise $500,000.
Gen. CROOK explained that two thousand additional men would fill the quota demanded of volunteers. These they would easily raise. The other additional two thousand would be taken from the militia. The great question they had to deal with was the raising of the two hundred thousand dollars, and this sum, he could assure the meeting, would be raised to morrow. (Applause.) Every man, therefore, who enlisted in a Brooklyn regiment in time to be one of those to fill up the volunteer quota would receive, in addition to State and government bounties, the sum of fifty dollars cash down. (Applause.)
Gen. Sickles was then loudly called for.

General Sickles on presenting himself was received with prolonged applause. He said:—Mr. President and Gentlemen—I regret that my health is such as to prevent me from doing justice to the occasion. The labors of the past twelve days have so far overtasked me, and my want of recent habitude in addressing public assemblies, that I find myself, after a very brief campaign, a candidate for the sick list; for the first time since this war has broke out. I am here, however, in fulfillment of an assurance which I gave to some friends now present; and although unable to address to you any other than a few desultory observations, I trust that the motives which brought me here under such disadvantages will be my excuse for any disappointment you may experience for lack of interest in what I say. (Cheers.) I am glad to see that the cities are awakening, for up to this moment and up to this time the cities have been behind the country, the towns and the villages of the interior everywhere; and especially is this true in the city of New York. My observations during a recent tour through the western part of the State and the southern tier of counties, satisfy me that no draft will be needed to fill the quota of the country—(cheers)—under either class of draft. The cities have yet to prove that their patriotism and devotion to the cause is equal to the crisis. What I have seen here to-night outside of the hall, where thousands and thousands are now gathered, and the resolutions which have been adopted in this room since my arrival here, convince me that
Brooklyn means to do her duty at all events—(cheers)—you have no responsibility beyond your own charming city. But this populous, intelligent, opulent community has responsibilities among the forest of all the municipalities of this country. No city has more at stake—the great metropolis of the ... alone excepted—than the city of Brooklyn. Why is it that the cities should be so far behind the country? This is a mystery. It is one that should demand and receive the thoughtful consideration of all great citizens in your midst. You have not felt the burden of the war. You have brave men in the field, I know, for I have met them on many a battle field, and I know that they have done all honor to the city and the people who sent them forth, I have some of them in my own command, and one of the most gallant regiments in the service, the Fourth Excelsior regiment, otherwise known as the Second Fire Zouaves—(cheers)—is commanded by one of your own citizens, as brave a man and faithful a soldier as ever drew a sword— Colonel William A. Brewster. (Applause.) You have sent many brave men and gallant, worthy officers into the field, and some of them have fallen. And before it escapes my mind, before I pass from the individuals in my own command, let me say that another gallant officer, commanding the Second regiment of Brooklyn, has borne himself nobly in all the battlefields of the campaign except that of Williamsburg, where his regiment could not be present, is a native of Brooklyn, a son of a former Mayor of your city. I refer to Colonel G. B. Hall. (Cheers.) And among the rank and file of my command, and in other regiments in the service which have been engaged near me I have witnessed everywhere and on every occasion the brave and heroic conduct of the Brooklyn men. (Cheers.) You will not. therefore, misunderstand me when I speak of the inactivity and inefficiency of the cities on this crisis. Up to the present time I think the cities have done their duty, but no more. This city has been comparatively free from the burthens of the war. Go back to the period of the Revolution—when your city—when Long Island was the battle ground of contending armies. One of the earliest and most disastrous conflicts of the revolution was the battle of Long Island, in which the military genius of Washington was for the first time displayed in drawing off his troops unmolested in the face of a triumphant and defying foe. And throughout that revolution our State, from Greenpoint to the lakes, was the battle ground, in which the sparse population of that period suffered at every threshhold and in every form of sacrifice all the deprivations and all the hardships which war brings upon a country. How is it with you now? Up to this hour the stranger passing through our cities, or almost any place within the limits of the Empire State, would need to be told that the nation was at war—that it was in the presence of the most terrible war of this day and generation, if not of modern times. (Cheers.) Business almost everywhere flourishing, labor bringing its reward, capital and enterprise thriftily employed. All this is before the eye of the stranger. Of course there are exceptions to this general remark, but the general observation is just. Many branches of business and many of the employments of capital are remunerative beyond all precedent. Now what is the universal demand of the city of New York? What is it you desire here in Brooklyn? You demand just what General McClellan aimed to accomplish, and which he led the army of the Potomac to the Peninsula for a short, effectual, decisive campaign—(applause)—a speedy suppression of the rebellion, by the employment instantaneously of all the force necessary to that most desirable end. (Cheers.) The experience of the summer campaign thus far has demonstrated to the Executive of the nation that very large reinforcements to the army are necessary. Experience has shown to us that every available man in the Southern Confederacy is now in the Southern army. The progress of the campaign has proved to us that while we are conquering city after city, State after State, and have already recovered a domain greatly exceeding that which has been the theatre of any previous war of which recent history makes mention, we require at least 200,000 men to occupy the Territories and forts and cities that we have captured and conquered and now hold. And in addition to this we must maintain a force adequate not only to overcome and destroy the armies that the rebellion has hitherto massed, but we must have speedily on the field an army capable of meeting the entire South in arms as it now is. (Applause.) The South has rallied to its ranks its last man and its last gun, and its last dollar for its last desperate, despairing struggle, and the North has been summoned to meet that issue—to meet it promptly, to meet it with courage, to meet it with sacrifices of men and money, to meet it as becomes freemen; and on behalf of the whole nation the President has called upon you, in common with the rest of the land, to furnish your quota of volunteers if possible, of conscripts if necessary, to meet the emergency. (Applause.) It is for you to say whether you will have the honor, the glory, of sending all the men, which it is your duty to send to the field as volunteers, or whether you will submit to the reproach of having the arms of your State sullied by the stigma that you were unwilling at a time like this, and for a cause like this, to send volunteers enough to represent Brooklyn as she should be represented. Can you submit to the indignity of having citizens taken from your midst to the field of honorable warfare as conscripts, in defence of the honor, the liberties and integrity of the country? (Applause and cries of "No, no.")
A Voice—No danger of that if Brooklyn does her duty, but she has not given a dollar yet.
ANOTHER VOICE—That's a grand mistake.
General Sickles resuming—My friend, I will allude to that subject which appears to be so tender a one with you. (Laughter.) I believe that every citizen, whether rich or poor, owes alike his service to the country in times like these. The rich man owes to the country his property and his life, if needs be. And the poor man equally owes ail he has. I know that it is but too true that nations depend for their armies almost always upon the poor—upon those who have only a home and a country—(applause)—to love and to die for. (Continued applause.) That is true; but it is equally true that, in the history of the world, there cannot be found a precedent to the liberality of the men of means of this country in the prosecution or this war. (Cheers.) Look at the voluntary subscriptions made throughout the land; calculate, if you can, the vast aggregate of that voluntary contribution. Look at the individual contributions that have been made every day—at the bounties, beyond all precedent, which have been given more can be done, it is true, and more will be done, and yet, I would not like to see the day come when any considerable portion of the people of the North will be found hanging back from the service of the country because that bounties for enlistment are not yet quite large enough. (Applause.) I would not give much for that soldier; I would not rely upon him in a critical place or at a trying moment, who goes into the field a hireling, and who was first bidden for like a chattel in an auction shop, in a rivalry for bounty. (Applause.) I would rather have a conscript out and out than such a man; for there may be some reason in a man hanging back for a draft, for he might suppose at least there was uniformity in that—an equality of chances in that—(cheers)—but for the mere hireling—the man who cares not to go except for money—who will not go till his price is paid down—sooner than have such men I would rather go into the field tomorrow with my decimated, shattered ranks of free hearted, gallant, patriotic volunteers, not one of whom ever received a farthing as an incentive for joining the service—(applause)—than have them filled by hirelings who hang about public meetings and barrooms, and the … of recruiting tents, huckstering and higgling for a bounty to be given, and calling upon the rich to pay them for fighting. (Cheers,)
A Voice—It's not for ourselves we want bounty; we want to leave behind us something for our wives and children. (Applause and cries of "That's so.")
Gen. Sickles—This is being done for you, and nothing can exceed the liberality of the people of wealth throughout the land in this respect They have done much for you, are doing much, and I hope they will continue the good work.
A Voice—They have done nothing in Brooklyn.
Gen. SICKLES—I hope to see this war prosecuted with a single purpose—to the suppression of the rebellion. I trust to see it prosecuted to the end without any deviation from the grand object itself—for mere political or factious objects. I hope to see it waged against a rebel South in arms, not against the institutions of the South—(applause)—not as a war against States, but simply and solely to put down an unholy rebellion that never had a cause and at this hour without a respectable pretext. I hope to see 'it prosecuted without a violation of any constitutional principle ever recognized by the Supreme Court of the United Slates in times of peace. (Applause.) I have one further and final hope—to see it prosecuted to the end successfully, and finally that no man who has given health and strength and suffered in loss of limbs in the cause, will ever be permitted by the wealth of the land to suffer want after his services, shall no longer be heeded by the country. (Applause.) If this be done we can point throughout to the history of the war as having been conducted in a manner to meet all the requirements of civilization, and all can claim that every citizen—he who was capable of bearing arms and he who was capable of furnishing means to sustain the cause, has performed his duty. I told you a few moments ago that the cities had not done what had been expected of them. I said there was a cause somewhere, and that every man in this community owed it to himself and to his country to analyze the matter, and to correct the evil when found. And although my strength is insufficient to do justice to the whole range of the question, I will endeavor to throw out some suggestions that may contribute, in some degree, to aid those who may be inclined to follow the inquiry a little farther. There is an impression existing among the laboring masses of the North, especially those of foreign birth, that this war is being prosecuted by those in power for the immediate and primary object of emancipation, and that the result will be that all the laboring men of the North, now fighting the battles of the country, will hereafter be brought into ruinous competition in the labor market with the liberated slaves of the South, and that the result will naturally be disastrous to white labor at the North, ... is an existing impression every day gaining gre... in the minds of the great masses of the North, and more especially among the population of our large cities. I believe it, however, to be a decided error—a mistake—I might say a hallucination. I would not broach the question nor allude to it, except in the discharge of a solemn duty to look square in the face of all those faces and difficulties which stand in the way of the mission which   causes my presence here to-day. I have been sent here for the recruiting service for the armies of the United States, and, in alluding in this way to the facts I have named, it is with the view of removing every erroneous impression that may interfere with that most important branch of the government service. My duty has brought me in contact with many who are willing to assist me, and—(Here was great noise at the entrance of the hall, caused by the shouts of those who could not get in, but who were clamoring to hear the General. It was suggested by several that the speaker should comply with the demand and go out in front of the City Hall to address the people; but the proposition was so vigorously resisted by those already well situated inside the hall, and, on consultation, General Sickles decided to conclude his remarks, and then, if his strength would permit him, to address a few words to the immense crowd outside waiting to hear him.) I was proceeding to say, he continued, that a great obstacle to recruiting is the prevailing idea among the laboring classes that the war is for objects foreign to those which are confessed, and that its aims and purposes, as well as its sure result, will be the inundation of the whole North with a rival class of laborers—the emancipated population of the South. Now, while I declare that I am not here to discuss any political question, and to declare that when I became a soldier I ceased to be a politician—(applause)—and while I would denounce any one who would introduce politics into the question of the war, I must say that this is a matter that demands the serious attention of every thinking man, and it is the duty especially of those having diverse opinions to express them reasonably, without coming into collision with those who differ from them. Now, in order that I may be entirely understood, permit me to say that I am one of those who was formerly associated with the dominant power of the South. I was entirely opposed to any party who could even think of having any interference with the affairs of the Southern States. I believed that every question between the North and the South should be settled in the Union, and by the peaceful influence of the ballot box. This was true; and I have never ceased to deplore that those of the South with whom I acted overthrew this well founded hope. When they set up a flag of their own and declared war upon the constitution and the territory of the whole nation, insulting our time honored flag, and massed armies, armed for the purpose of subverting and overthrowing our government, under which they had grown and increased in prosperity and wealth, enjoying peace and protection, and feasting in power and safety, they made themselves responsible to the gigantic power they made aroused. (Applause.) Whatever consequences may result to Southern commerce, to Southern institutions, to Southern property, to Southern soil, or to the lives of Southern men, are consequences of the war, for which no Northern man and no authority of the government can ever be held responsible.   Emancipation may be one of the results of this war. (Loud cheers, followed by hissing; repeated cheering and some hissing, again drowned by loud applause, and cries of "Put him out!") Put no man out. I am not responsible for war, nor for the results that follow in the train of war. I am not responsible for history. No human power can control them. We must accept them as we find them. All we can do is to look at the result boldly in the face. I said emancipation may be a result of the war. It may and it may not be. No living man can see that, because it will greatly depend upon what direction the war may take, and upon the spirit in which the South chooses to conduct it. If the contest is to be continued in the spirit of the proclamation of Jeff. Davis, which refuses to recognize our officers and soldiers as prisoners of war, according to the practice of civilized nations, and if that step be followed up by other atrocities which are so apt to arise out of civil war, but which General McClellan has always so studiously avoided—(loud applause, and three cheers for Gen. McClellan.)—if the South, animated by dark malignity and a recklessness arising out of the desperation of her cause, should follow the dictates that are now prevailing in her counsels, and re-enact those scenes which prevailed at the inception of the rebellion, then it will be impossible to foresee what will be the result—what measures of retaliation, of hostility, of spoliation and of punishment, may become necessary, in order to secure the inevitable triumph of this government in the conflict. (Applause.) Now, I have a word or two to say to my fellow citizens, and especially to those who have hitherto done me the honor to concur with me in my views of public affairs. In the event of the result of the war terminating in emancipation I wish to say that men's minds should at once be disabused of any false notions they may have conceived. The laboring men of the North need not suppose that the freed men of the South will ever interfere with or become competitors with them in the labor market of the North. It must be borne in mind that since this great convulsion of the country the South has not been able to produce enough of rice, cotton, tobacco, corn, sugar, and the other staples for which she is so famed. The demand of the world has been great, but she could not meet them. For more than a year not more than one-half of their usual crops have been produced. And remember the demand is always increasing for all the staples of the South produced by negro labor. Remember that there is more cotton land, and rice and sugar land now uncultivated in the South than there has been hitherto cultivated by all the planters who flourished there but a single year ago. Remember that this demand must go on continually increasing and the supply be greatly diminished for years to come before capital can resume its former channels. Can not every man see it, that when peace shall be restored, the demand for negro labor in the South will be so increased that all the blacks throughout the country will be drawn by attraction towards the South and there be entirely absorbed? So that so far from the labor of the blacks ceasing to be in demand on the cessation of war and the restoration of peace, the demand for the great staples of rice, tobacco, sugar and corn—which will and must be scarce—will call the service of every black laborer into instantaneous and continuous requisition, and a new impulse will be given to every branch of productive industry. The prosperity of the North, meanwhile, is not to cease. Capital, enterprise, thrift are still here among us, and will be then as now; and we will not only have the same demand for labor with liberal wages, and the same reward for enterprise and industry, but, in my humble judgment, every branch of trade and commerce and domestic industry will rise into new life when the Union and the constitution shall be vindicated and peace restored. (Applause.) General Sickles then passed on eloquently to urge the people to repose the fullest confidence in the government and in the President, and to support the common head in the difficult and onerous duties which devolve upon him. He spoke of the proneness of men to criticize [sic] the acts of those who are in high positions without sufficiently considering the facts that govern them, and of the necessity to stand by the President when he check the half and half secessionists of the border States as the radicals and fanatics of the North. (Applause.) As a result of his own observation he declared that Abraham Lincoln embodies in himself the common sense of the people or the country. (Cries of "Hurrah!" and cheers for the President.) In conclusion he referred to the conduct of the war, and said that in no contest in history has success ever been uniform on the one side. The battle is not always to the strong, and the strong, and every commander has seen mo­ments when he had to look not only for the confidence of his army and his government, but to the people who created both. History is full of examples to prove that this confidence has been often unwisely with­held. In the days of the Grecian and Roman republics there were many instances of this. Epamiondas, after he had placed Thebes to the head of the Pelopennesian States, was reduced from his command and cast into exile. Caesar, after his conquests, was told by the Roman Senate that if he did resign his command he would be declared a public enemy. And we cannot forget that Marlborough, the greatest soldier that England ever produced was deprived of his command at the head of his victorious army when he had reached the very gates of Paris. You will not forget that Napoleon, after the most brilliant of all his campaigns—that of Italy, was beset by politicians at home and exiled by the Directory to Egypt, where it was thought he would be immolated. And coming down to our own land, you will remember that not even our Washington was exempt from these doubts and discouraging criticisms in the revolution. He was called a slow general.
They said he had no dash; that he was too often retreating; that his policy was too discreet; that it was the Fabian policy, and every general and subordinate commander who achieved an occasional success was set up by the politicians as the best man to succeed Washington.
And in and out of Congress it was declared that unless Washington was displaced by some active commander, the Revolution had better be given up. And when Gates won the battle of Saratoga the movement became so very pressing that the feeling and patriotism of the country had to be fully aroused to prevent the Father of his Country from being superseded by one of his own officers. And coming to our own times, look at the brave Scott; when he had planted the Stars and Stripes on the walls of Mexico, he was placed under arrest and deprived of his command. Other instances I pass over, but all are known to history, and they only show how prone men are to criticise [sic] falsely. Without attempting to apply them to any officer in command at the present day, or to draw any parallel between them, I will only again urge you to give all your aid and support to your Generals in the field and to our President and his advisers, and if we will but do half as much for the support of the government as the South is doing for its destruction, all doubt of our ultimate triumph would vanish at once. Let us furnish the President with the million of men he wants to prosecute the war in earnest and I pledge my word for it that, by the 1st of December next, there shall not be one armed rebel to dispute the right and authority of these broad United States. (Applause, during which General Sickles retired.)
Mr. JAMES PIERCE said he had come there to hear something practical—the raising of mosey and soldiers—instead of that they had just listened to a long speech, very little of which, at a time like this, was worth hearing. (Disapprobation.)
The Chairman saw the meeting had been a practical success. They had met to raise $200,000, and they had done it. (Loud cheers.)
At this time calls were made for General Sickles to go outside, and as the proceeding inside had terminated with the adoption of a motion, to that effect, the assemblage left the building and joined the crowd in the park.
General Sickles addressed the gathering, and among those who were present to succeed him were the Hon. F. Odell, ex-Judge Morris, Veeder, Barnard and Hughes, Esquires. At a late hour the immense assemblage dispersed.

RESISTANCE IN THE FIFTH.—The business of enrolling the able-bodied men (white and colored) in the Western District was commenced on Friday last. An enrolling officer is appointed for each election district. Between 200 and 300 were enrolled in some districts the first two days, while in one district of the 5th Ward the officer was unable to enroll one man—having been beaten off where he called. A difficulty also occurred in a district of the Third Ward, where some parties refused to give the necessary information. The matter has been reported to the Provost Marshal General in New York for farther action.

MOONLIGHT PARADE.—The 47th, Col. J. V. Meserole, will have a moonlight parade this evening, accompanied by a full band. The line will be formed at their Armory, formerly the Odeon, and the following will be the line of march:—South 3d to 4th, to South 8th, to 2d, to South 9th, to 4th, to Bedford avenue, to Penn street, to March avenue, to Hewes street, to Lee avenue.

Meetings of the Democratic and Republican General Committees.



Parade of the 56th Regiment.

Meeting of the Union Democratic General Committee

The regular monthly session of this body was held last evening at the Capitol, in Joralemon street,—Mr. John Linsky presiding. The reading of the minutes of the previous meeting was dispensed with. The names of the following gentlemen as delegates from the 20th Ward were read and accepted:—Thomas H. Farron, Wm. Paine, and Patrick Boyle. The Chairman stated that in consequence of the holding of the primaries, the attendance was extremely small, and he, therefore, questioned the propriety of further continuing the meeting. Mr. Samuel Morris moved that the meeting adjourn for two week, which was carried.

Republican General Committee in want of an organ—The Revision of the By-Laws—The extravagance of Printing Committees.

The Republican General Committee met last evening at their rooms, No. 9 Court street, the President, Mr. Wm. Hunt, in the Chair, the minutes of the previous meeting were read and approved. Mr. Hill, of the 6th Ward, sent in his resignation, and Mr. P. W. Kenyon was appointed a delegate in his place.
Mr. Hill sent in a report of the committee on bylaws, some of the articles having been revised and altered, to suit the present committee. On motion, the report of the committee was accepted.
It was then moved that the report be adopted. While it appeared that the alterations made, suited some of the members, all were not of the same mind. One of the articles set forth that all notices be published in the columns of the "New York Tribune, and at least one Republican journal in the City of Brooklyn.
Mr. Stillwell said that he was not aware there was a "Republican" paper in Brooklyn, and he thought they had better strike out the word "Republican."
Chair—The "Williamsburgh [sic] Times," Mr. Stillwell, is a Republican paper.
Mr. Stillwell—The "Times" may suit some people but it dont suit me.
Mr. Gale moved that the word "Republican" be stricken but as the Democratic papers in this city were read by double the number of people the "Times" or "Tribune" were.
Mr. Reeve moved that the by-laws be taken up and adopted by sections. Carried.
Mr. Winslow thought this was rather restricting the Printing Committee, as frequently the Committee required printing done upon the spur of the moment. He hoped the report would be adopted as it stood.
Mr. Lindsay made a few remarks in reference to the large amounts usually expended by the Printing Committee, and for one, he never heard of any returns having been made to this Committee, as to what became of all the money. He therefore moved that the Committee be limited in their expenditures for printing to $50.
Mr. Reeves thought this was oltogether [sic] too small an amount. In his opinion, the sum should not be less than $500. If, after this was expended, they should require more, they must come to the Committee before going further.
Mr. Maddox inquired the amount expended by the Committee last year. He had been informed that some $2,900 had been laid out by this Committee last year.
Mr. Gale said that if it was fashionable to make amendments, they would have quite a number of them before the By-Laws were adopted. Last year, he said, in explanation in regard to the large amount expended by the Printing Committee, the usual restrictions, limiting the Committee to a certain amount, were taken off, as they had the patronage of the Custom House, the Navy Yard, the Police, &c., they thought they could use the money lavishly, and they did, the bills running up from $700 to $2,900, for printing.
Mr. Reeves undertook to explain the cause, and said that last year the Committee did all the work including posters, tickets, posting, paying for notices &c.
Mr. Maddox contended that all the posters and bills printed were not posted. He spoke understandingly upon the matter, for in his district, there was no posting done, except what he did himself, and his bills for printing did not amount to over $100. The work was well done, and he did not see how the bills could amount to $2,900.
Mr. McCloud moved to lay the report on the table the motion was lost. Ayes, 20; Nays, 42.
Mr. Maddox moved to reconsider the vote, and take the report up by sections, and adopt it as offered.
After some discussion Mr. Maddox withdrew his motion.
It was moved that the section restricting the Printing Committee to $50, be laid on the table.
Mr. Lindsay attempted to speak but was called to order. He claimed his right to be heard, and he would not be gagged down in this manner.
Chair—(using the gavel pretty heavily) you must address the Chair in a respectful manner or come to order.
Mr. Lindsay hoped the Printing Committee would be limited to a certain amount.
Mr. Redding moved that the report of the Committee be adopted as it was.
Mr. Reeves called for another reading of the report. The report was again read.
Mr. Barber moved that in reference to the publishing of notices of the Committee, that the word "Republican" be stricken out as there was no "Republican" paper in the city.
Mr. Kenyon—Why Mr. Barber the "Williamsburgh [sic] Times" is a Republican paper.
Mr. Barber—Oh, is it? I was not aware of it.
Mr. Stillwell moved that the report be referred back to the Committee and a sufficient number printed to distribute among the members that they might peruse them at their leisure.
Mr. Barber said it would take them a year at the progress they were making to-night to adopt the reports. It would take but one minute to adopt a section, and he still pressed his motion of striking out the word "Republican.''
Mr. Gove moved that section 1, article xxi, be amended by striking out the word "Republican" and insert the word "Union" paper; for if they had no Republican paper in the Eastern District, they had a good "Union paper there."
Mr. Reeve, moved to amend article 1, sec. xxii, so that the Committee of registration shall consist of three from each election district instead of three from each ward.
Mr. Gove moved the adoption of the report as a whole, which was finally carried.
The President then appointed the following standing Committees for the year:

Marquis D. Moore, Chas. C. Talbot, J. C. Perry, C. W. Goddard, Geo. J. Hardy.

Alonzo H. Gale, P. W. Kenyon, Jas. Reeve, S. T. Maddox, P. W. Ostrander.

S. A. Smith, J. Darlington, J. W. Higgans. COMMITTEE ON

Walter S. Gove, W. A. Fritz, Isaac B. Crane, V. B. Walters. Jas. Johnson, J. N. Stearns, W. A. Walker.

John Naylor, Samuel Frost, Gilbert DeRevere, David Lindsey, Isra Baldwin, and C. Needig.
The Committee then adjourned.

Fort Lafayette—Is Civil or Military Law to Prevail?


JULY 8.—The People of the State of New York vs. The Sheriff of Kings County.—Two years ago a writ of habeas corpus was issued by Judge Garrison, of Kings county, issued and directed to Colonel Martin Burke, commandant at Fort Lafayette, to bring up the bodies of the four Baltimore Police Commissioners confined at the fort.
The Colonel refused to make return. An attachment was issued and put in the hands of the Sheriff, which not having been executed, an alias is now issued, which is as follows:—
The People of the State of New York to the Sheriff of the County of Kings:—We command you, as we before commanded you forthwith to apprehend and attach Colonel Martin Burke, of Fort Hamilton, in the said county of Kings, and to bring him immediately before our County Judge of the said county, at the chambers of the Kings county Court, in the City Hall, in the city of Brooklyn, to answer for his contempt in not obeying a certain writ of habeas corpus to him directed, and on him duly served, on the relation of Algernon R. Wood. And have you then there this writ of attachment.
Witness, the Honorable Samuel Garrison, County Judge of our said county of Kings, at the City Hall, in the said city of Brooklyn, this 7th day of July, 1863.
SAMUEL GARRISON, Kings County Judge.
John C. Van Loon, Attorney for Relator.
This raises an important issue between the military and civil tribunals, and the public will await with the greatest anxiety to see which of the two will prevail.
Counsel for relator Hon. Gideon J. Tucker and Mr. J. Van Loon.




New York State Division of Military and Naval Affairs: Military History
Last modified: November 6, 2013

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